Judge in Kim Keon Hee Appeal Case Found Dead Near Seoul High Court Shin Jong-oh, a presiding judge at the Seoul High Court who oversaw the appeal trial in first lady Kim Keon Hee’s case involving alleged Deutsch Motors stock manipulation and other charges, was found dead early Tuesday. He was 55. According to legal circles, police were dispatched around midnight after Shin’s family reported they could not reach him. Officers found him about 1 a.m. near the court complex in Seocho-dong, Seocho District, Seoul. He was taken to a hospital, where he was pronounced dead. Police said they believe Shin jumped and are investigating the exact circumstances of his death. They said no signs of criminal activity have been found so far. A note was also found at the scene, according to reports. It was said to include an apology and a statement to the effect that he was leaving on his own. It reportedly did not mention Kim’s case or the trial. Shin’s panel, the Seoul High Court’s Criminal Division 15-2, on April 28 sentenced Kim to four years in prison and fined her 50 million won on appeal on charges including violations of the Capital Markets Act. The sentence was sharply increased from the first trial’s prison term of one year and eight months. The appeals court reversed part of the lower court’s not-guilty finding and convicted her on some allegations of involvement in the Deutsch Motors stock manipulation. It also found her guilty of receiving money and valuables from the Unification Church side in connection with alleged solicitation. Shin, who was from Seoul, graduated from Sangmoon High School and Seoul National University’s law department. He passed the 37th bar exam in 1995 and served at courts including the Uijeongbu branch of the Seoul District Court, the Ulsan District Court, the Seoul High Court and the Daegu High Court. ※ If you are struggling with depression or have concerns that are difficult to talk about, or if you know a family member or friend who is having a hard time, you can reach the suicide prevention hotline at 109 for 24-hour counseling by professionals.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:35:52

KOSPI rockets above 7,300 in record-breaking chip rally SEOUL, May 06 (AJP) - What once seemed improbable has rapidly become reality as South Korea’s benchmark KOSPI vaulted above the 7,300 mark on Wednesday, just three weeks after reclaiming the 6,000 level as feverish foreign buying turbocharged semiconductor and AI infrastructure stocks despite lingering uncertainty surrounding the Strait of Hormuz crisis. As of 10:09 a.m., the KOSPI stood at 7,325.31, up 5.60 percent from Monday’s close, after surging to an intraday high of 7,338.61 earlier in the session. Foreign buying total 1.25 trillion won, overwhelming local selling. The celebration however was heavily skewed with losers outnumbering gainers by 674 to 204. The move marked the index’s first break above the 7,300 threshold and underscored the extraordinary pace of the rally after the KOSPI first crossed the 6,000 mark on Feb. 25. The Korean won also recovered to near pre-war levels in the 1,450 range against the U.S. dollar. The dollar-won exchange rate fell to 1,457.70 won from 1,462.8 won in the previous session. The KOSPI has remained remarkably resilient despite the Middle East war and South Korea’s heavy dependence on Gulf energy imports for manufacturing and exports. The benchmark first broke above 4,000 in October last year, topped 5,000 in January and crossed 6,000 a month later, before storming into the 7,000 era within barely half a year. The latest leg higher followed another record-setting session on Wall Street overnight, where both the S&P 500 and the Nasdaq Composite closed at all-time highs as easing oil prices and optimism surrounding AI-driven semiconductor demand outweighed lingering geopolitical concerns in the Middle East. Investor sentiment improved after reports indicated that the fragile ceasefire between the United States and Iran was largely holding despite intermittent clashes, easing fears of supply disruptions and pushing oil prices lower. West Texas Intermediate crude futures fell 3.90 percent to settle at $102.27 a barrel. Technology shares led gains in the United States. Intel jumped nearly 13 percent on news of fresh semiconductor supply negotiations with Apple, while the Philadelphia Semiconductor Index soared 4.23 percent. Advanced Micro Devices surged another 15 percent in after-hours trading after posting strong first-quarter earnings. The global semiconductor rally spilled into Seoul, fueling aggressive buying in chip-related shares. Samsung Electronics surged 12.26 percent to 261,000 won, while SK hynix jumped 9.68 percent to 1,587,000 won, with both hitting fresh intraday record highs. SK Square, the largest shareholder of SK hynix, soared 10.80 percent to break above the 1 million won mark. Brokerage firms also rallied sharply on expectations that surging trading activity would boost commissions and earnings. Mirae Asset Securities jumped 15.22 percent to a fresh 52-week high, while Kiwoom Securities advanced 10.06 percent. Automakers and battery-related shares also traded higher, with Hyundai Motor gaining 3.34 percent, Kia rising 1.69 percent and LG Energy Solution adding 0.11 percent. Defense and shipbuilding-related shares, however, lagged behind the broader market rally. Hanwha Aerospace fell 1.30 percent, while HD Hyundai Heavy Industries slipped 4.26 percent. HMM also declined 1.65 percent after a fire broke out aboard one of its cargo vessels anchored near the Strait of Hormuz on Monday, adding another layer of uncertainty to already fragile global shipping routes. Meanwhile, the tech-heavy KOSDAQ bucked the broader rally, slipping 0.90 percent to 1,202.83. 2026-05-06 10:34:14

UAE’s Iran Calculus: Between Deterrence, Trade and a Post-OPEC Strategy The most dangerous way to read the Middle East is to label any country as simply “on one side.” Iran is a Shiite revolutionary state; Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are Sunni Gulf monarchies. Israel is Iran’s main security adversary, and the United States is the Gulf monarchies’ traditional security patron. On the surface, the lines look clear: Iran versus anti-Iran, Shiite versus Sunni, Persian versus Arab, revolutionary republic versus monarchy. But the region is not that simple. The UAE’s recent moves show how complex and calculated today’s Middle East has become. Iran’s military recently denied a UAE statement that Iran attacked the country, while warning it would carry out “destructive retaliation” if military action targeting Iran’s islands, ports or coastline were launched from UAE territory. The UAE said it intercepted Iranian missiles and drones and that a fire broke out at oil facilities at Fujairah port, but Iran denied that as well. The key point is not only the dispute over facts. Iran is saying, in effect, “We didn’t do it,” while also pressing the UAE not to become a U.S. and Israeli military foothold. Denial serves diplomacy; the warning is meant to deter. The UAE’s position is more complicated. Even while saying it was attacked, it has not moved toward direct military retaliation. That is not simply fear. The UAE is small but wealthy, and its survival depends on Dubai’s finance, Abu Dhabi’s energy, Fujairah’s port, advanced logistics and tourism, and the confidence of international capital. A full-scale clash with Iran could shake the country’s core. Iran is under economic strain and international sanctions, but it has missiles, drones, the Revolutionary Guard and asymmetric maritime capabilities. If the UAE retaliates once, Iran can respond more forcefully, and insurance costs, shipping rates, port throughput, oil transport and foreign investment sentiment could all be hit at once. The UAE’s choice is to show anger without widening the conflict — a calculation, not capitulation. At the center of that calculation are the Strait of Hormuz and Fujairah. The strait is a choke point for global energy flows. Iran controls the northern coast; the UAE operates ports and energy transport networks on the southern side. Fujairah is a strategic port that can bypass some Hormuz risk, but it is also within range of Iranian missiles and drones. Geography is destiny. From South Korea, the UAE can look like a hub for business in the region, but it also sits on the front line facing a much larger Persian state. That helps explain why the UAE pushes back against Iran while avoiding crossing the threshold into war. The relationship is shaped by sectarian identity but driven by power and security. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran has defined itself as a revolutionary state. Gulf monarchies such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia are rooted in a Sunni monarchical order and have long viewed Iran as a country that could export revolution and destabilize them. When Iran warns the UAE not to become “a nest” for the United States and “Zionists,” it may sound like religious rhetoric, but the core message is military: Iran fears the UAE becoming a base for U.S. and Israeli intelligence, air defense and maritime operations. Historical Persian-Arab tensions add another layer. Iran sees itself as a civilizational center with a long imperial memory. The UAE, independent since 1971, has rapidly built a global role through finance, ports, energy, aviation, investment and high-tech city strategies. The two face each other across the Persian Gulf, unable to ignore one another and unable to fully trust one another. A deeper flash point is the dispute over three islands: Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb. Iran took control of the islands in 1971 as Britain withdrew from the Gulf, and the UAE still views that as Iranian occupation of its territory. The islands are not only a sovereignty issue; they are strategic positions that can monitor the entrance to the Strait of Hormuz. For Iran, they are part of a Gulf defense line. For the UAE, they are a long-standing security thorn. The relationship is therefore a tangle of cooperation and hostility, trade and security, religion and territory, history and present-day realities. That complexity also appears in the UAE’s ties with Saudi Arabia. Both are Sunni Gulf monarchies wary of Iran, but the UAE is not simply Saudi Arabia’s junior partner. The UAE’s decision to leave OPEC and OPEC+ underscored that point. The UAE announced on 2026년 4월 28일 that it would withdraw from OPEC and OPEC+, and reports said the withdrawal took effect on 5월 1일부터. The move ended nearly 60 years of OPEC membership. The UAE cited its long-term economic strategy, production capacity and an independent production policy. The decision was more than an oil-policy shift. It was a declaration of independence from a Saudi-centered Gulf energy order. Saudi Arabia is OPEC’s de facto leader, and its oil policy has long set the tone. But the UAE has grown its capacity and has been dissatisfied with being bound by OPEC production-cut quotas despite its ability and willingness to sell more. From the UAE’s perspective, funding investments in future cities, artificial intelligence, defense, finance, space and renewable energy requires maximizing revenue when it can. Saudi Arabia’s long-term price-management approach has clashed with the UAE’s strategy to expand market share. The withdrawal also came amid the Iran war and Gulf security instability. Reuters reported that the UAE is reviewing its broader multilateral relationships after leaving OPEC but has drawn a line against planning further exits. That suggests the UAE is recalculating whether existing frameworks fit its security and economic interests. If it concludes that traditional groupings such as the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Arab League and OPEC do not provide enough protection against Iranian military pressure, it may be less willing to stake its future on formal solidarity alone. In that sense, the OPEC exit carries three meanings: strategic divergence between Saudi Arabia and the UAE; weakening of an OPEC-centered oil order; and a stronger push by the UAE for strategic autonomy. The UAE is seeking to manage its own output, build layered networks with the United States, Israel, South Korea, India, China and Europe, and position itself as a regional hub for logistics, finance, defense and technology. It aims to deter Iran without a full-scale war, cooperate with Saudi Arabia without subordination, and work with the United States without total dependence. The result is a country that is neither Iran’s ally nor its absolute enemy; neither Saudi Arabia’s subordinate nor its adversary; a U.S. security partner but not a state that follows U.S. orders alone. The UAE has normalized relations with Israel, but it has not abandoned its Arab and Islamic identity. It is among the region’s most hard-nosed realists, managing principles, pursuing interests, spreading risk and moving early on opportunity. That is where South Korea’s relationship with the UAE takes on added weight. The two are not only trading partners. Their strategic partnership spans the Barakah nuclear power plant, energy and defense cooperation, construction and infrastructure, finance, digital projects, content, artificial intelligence, biotechnology and the space industry. The South Korea-UAE Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement, or CEPA, is designed to expand that relationship. The agreement was signed on 2024년 5월 29일, and the UAE became South Korea’s first partner for a comprehensive economic pact with an Arab country. It goes beyond tariff cuts to cover goods, services, investment, energy, supply chains and digital cooperation. South Korea’s customs agency has also described the CEPA as a tool for entering Middle East markets and expanding cooperation with resource-rich states. For South Korea, the UAE has particular significance: as an energy-security partner for a country heavily dependent on imports; as a Middle East foothold for South Korean defense exports as regional states modernize against missile, drone and maritime threats; and as a platform for South Korean companies to reach the Middle East, Africa and South Asia via Dubai and Abu Dhabi. But South Korea cannot view the UAE only as an attractive market. It is also a point where opportunity meets risk. If Iran increases direct pressure on the UAE, South Korean construction sites, logistics networks, oil transport, financial transactions and insurance costs could be affected. As South Korea deepens defense and energy cooperation with the UAE, Iran could also perceive South Korea as part of a U.S.-Israel-Gulf camp. That makes it important for Seoul to deepen strategic cooperation with the UAE while keeping diplomatic channels with Iran, and to manage ties with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Israel without being pulled into regional rivalries. Ultimately, the UAE’s approach offers a window into the region’s direction: clash with Iran without severing ties; cooperate with Saudi Arabia without dependence; leave OPEC without disappearing from energy markets; work with the United States while building autonomy; cooperate with Israel while maintaining Arab identity; and expand economic ties with South Korea while living with the shadow of war risk. That is the UAE’s layered calculus — and a reminder that the Middle East runs on cold calculation as much as open conflict. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:33:31

Trump Raises Pressure Over Strait of Hormuz; Lee Jae-myung Government Urged to Set Clear National-Interest Line U.S. President Donald Trump is again intensifying pressure in the Middle East. The United States, targeting Iran, has even raised the possibility of controlling the Strait of Hormuz as it steps up military and diplomatic pressure. The strait, a key route for global oil shipments, is also a lifeline for South Korea, with a large share of its Middle Eastern crude imports passing through it. The concern is that this is no longer a simple regional dispute but a compound crisis tied to Washington’s strategy to check China, a reshaping of global supply chains and energy security. The Lee Jae-myung government has faced a difficult foreign-policy test soon after taking office. The United States is pressing allies to expand their roles, and European countries are accelerating talks on international cooperation to secure maritime safety. Lee has reportedly been considering joining a Britain- and France-led international video conference on the Strait of Hormuz. South Korea’s government, however, must be wary of “pragmatic diplomacy” without clear principles. Pragmatism should mean flexibility anchored in national interests. Without a firm standard, pragmatism can look like indecision — whether it is deferring to Washington and unsettling ties with the Middle East, or focusing only on Middle East variables and fueling concerns about strains in the U.S.-South Korea alliance. South Korea relies on its alliance with the United States as the core of its security while also maintaining an energy structure heavily dependent on the Middle East. That makes this more than a simple choice between one side and the other. The Hormuz issue can directly shake international oil prices, the exchange rate, inflation and industrial competitiveness. Markets are already warning that a prolonged Middle East risk could weigh heavily on South Korea’s growth outlook and financial markets. The problem, the article argues, is that South Korean diplomacy still appears driven by short-term responses. Each time tensions rise, officials are seen recalibrating positions and debating how far to go, without a clear sense of national priorities. Standards remain unclear on how much to cooperate if the United States demands support, where to draw the line between military involvement and maritime security assistance, and what role to play between economic sanctions and diplomatic mediation. Japan has long managed Middle East risk as part of its security and energy strategy, and China has focused diplomatic capacity on stabilizing its energy supply even under U.S. pressure. By contrast, South Korea is often criticized for having its foreign-policy direction sway with each change of administration. Diplomacy, the article says, should be a national survival strategy, not an extension of domestic politics. For the Lee government’s stated goal of “national interest-centered pragmatic diplomacy” to carry real meaning, it must first define what national interest is — and distinguish it from a government’s political interests. Managing relations with the United States matters, but so do energy security and industrial stability. Once foreign policy is approached through domestic factional logic, national strategy is bound to wobble, the article says. The Hormuz situation also underscores South Korea’s structural vulnerabilities, including continued heavy dependence on Middle Eastern crude and insufficient preparation for maritime logistics risks. That is why discussions on diversifying supply chains, expanding strategic stockpiles and redesigning energy security must move in parallel. Diplomatic rhetoric alone cannot prevent a crisis, the article says. What is needed is not a binary debate over siding with the United States or the Middle East, but a strategy that clearly defines South Korea’s national interests and follows that standard consistently. Alliances matter, but cannot come before national interests; at the same time, national interest cannot be used as a pretext to damage alliance trust. Diplomacy ultimately requires balance, the article says. Trump’s pressure is likely to intensify further. As the world shifts toward a new order in which economics and security are increasingly intertwined, the article argues South Korea can no longer hold to an ambiguous posture. The Lee government, it says, must show not just “pragmatism,” but the standards by which it will steer the country.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:30:18

SEC Proposes Ending Quarterly Reporting Requirement, Allowing Semiannual Option U.S. securities regulators have unveiled a proposed rule change that would end the requirement for public companies to file quarterly earnings reports and allow them to opt for semiannual reporting instead. MarketWatch and other outlets reported that the Securities and Exchange Commission said in a statement on May 5 (local time) that it is proposing amendments to rules and forms so listed companies can choose semiannual reports in place of quarterly filings. Under current rules, U.S.-listed companies must file three quarterly reports and one annual report each fiscal year. If adopted, the proposal would let companies choose to file one semiannual report and one annual report instead of quarterly reports. Companies that choose semiannual reporting would file a new form, Form 10-S. The deadline would be set at 40 or 45 days after the end of the first half of the fiscal year, depending on the company’s filing status. The SEC said the changes are intended to give companies and investors flexibility to choose the reporting cycle that best fits their needs. It also said it plans to revise Regulation S-X, which sets financial statement requirements for periodic reports, registration statements and proxy disclosures, to reflect the new semiannual option and simplify existing requirements. SEC Chairman Paul Atkins said in the statement, “The rigidity of SEC rules has limited companies and investors from deciding for themselves which interim reporting cycle is most appropriate,” adding that if the proposal is finalized it would provide greater regulatory flexibility. The proposal will go through a 60-day public comment period after it is published in the Federal Register, and then be put to a vote by the SEC. President Donald Trump said in September last year that companies should not be forced to report quarterly and should report results semiannually. The Wall Street Journal reported in March that the SEC was preparing a related proposal. Some investors have raised concerns that fewer earnings reports could reduce corporate transparency and credibility. The Investment Company Institute said in a statement on May 5 that it is important to strike a balance between reducing unnecessary compliance burdens and maintaining the quality of the disclosure system that supports investor confidence.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:24:15

Samsung Securities jumps more than 6% on expectations for Interactive Brokers tie-up Samsung Securities shares rose sharply on expectations of cooperation with a global brokerage firm. According to the Korea Exchange, Samsung Securities was trading at 147,300 won as of 9:55 a.m. on the 6th, up 6.82% (9,400 won) from the previous session. The securities industry said Samsung Securities has recently begun a pilot service with U.S. online brokerage platform Interactive Brokers (IBKR) to support foreign investors trading South Korean stocks. The process for foreigners to trade South Korean shares had been complicated, but under the partnership, IBKR users can invest in South Korean stocks more easily through Samsung Securities. In a report released on the 6th, Baek Du-san, an analyst at Korea Investment & Securities, said Samsung Securities shares rose 28% on the 4th, attributing the move to heightened attention on news of a partnership with IBKR, which is strong in online stock trading. Baek said foreign individual investors, including IBKR customers, can use Samsung Securities as an intermediary to trade South Korean stocks through the IBKR app, comparing it to how South Korean individuals can easily trade U.S. stocks through domestic brokerage apps. He added that the business model became possible due to regulatory and policy changes, including the launch of an integrated foreign investor account in 2017, the abolition in 2023 of the requirement for financial investment firms to immediately report transaction details for that account (T+2), designation as an innovative financial service, and revisions to financial investment business rules. Those changes allow overseas brokerages that do not operate securities businesses in South Korea to provide South Korean stock trading services through partnerships with local brokerages, he said.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:15:51

Brokerage Stocks Jump as KOSPI Breaks 7,000, Mirae Asset Securities Up 15% As the KOSPI index climbed above 7,000 to set a new record, South Korean brokerage shares rose broadly. According to the Korea Exchange, as of 10 a.m. on the 6th, Mirae Asset Securities was trading at 81,000 won, up 15.22% from the previous session. Samsung Securities rose 5.22% to 145,100 won. Other brokerage-related stocks also gained, including Kiwoom Securities (up 10.53%), Korea Investment Holdings (up 5.15%), NH Investment & Securities (up 4.12%), Hyundai Motor Securities (up 10.67%), Yuanta Securities (up 16.09%), SK Securities (up 5.78%), DB Financial Investment (up 7.37%) and Hanwha Investment & Securities (up 16.73%). The KOSPI rose 2.25% from the previous session to 7,093.01, pushing past 7,000 and extending its run of record highs. The rally was seen as drawing buying on expectations of higher trading activity and improved brokerage earnings. Jang Young-im, a researcher at SK Securities, said April’s average daily trading value and margin loan balances “held at solid levels,” adding that “with the stock market continuing to show strength, a favorable environment for the securities industry is also continuing into the second quarter.”* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:15:00

Veteran Actress Yoon Yoo-sun Appears in 'Yumi's Cells' Season 3 Finale, Continues Busy Run Actress Yoon Yoo-sun made a special appearance in the final episode of TVING’s original series “Yumi’s Cells” Season 3, adding warmth to the closing moments. Yoon appeared as Yeong-sim, the mother of Yumi (Kim Go-eun), in the last episode of the recently concluded season. “Yumi’s Cells” Season 3 follows Yumi, now a star writer, as she meets an unexpected person, Sunrok (Kim Jae-won), and falls in love again. In the series, Yeong-sim is a steady presence by Yumi’s side and looks on Sunrok with warmth. Though her screen time was brief, Yoon’s calm, gentle performance underscored the character’s warmth. Returning as part of Yumi’s family after Seasons 1 and 2, she helped bring a familiar tone to the finale and supported viewer immersion. Her cameo also comes as she continues an active run across platforms. She appeared again last month in Netflix’s series “Bloodhounds” Season 2 as Yoon So-yeon, the mother of Geon-woo (Woo Do-hwan). The action series, starring Woo and Lee Sang-yi as they take on an illegal boxing league, ranked No. 1 in Netflix’s non-English TV category after its release, the report said. In “Bloodhounds” Season 2, Yoon portrayed a mother determined to protect her son in the face of injustice, using restrained emotion and a firm gaze to add emotional weight. The report said she helped anchor the characters’ emotional arc amid the high-tension action narrative. Yoon has also expanded her work into variety shows and hosting. She recently appeared on an entertainment program with her husband, attorney Lee Seong-ho, sharing their daily life as a couple. She also took on her first solo MC role on Channel A’s “The Body Genius,” a health-solution program offering information for healthier living, meeting viewers with a steady, trustworthy hosting style. With steady work spanning dramas, OTT series, variety shows and hosting, attention is on Yoon’s next projects.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:11:09

South Korea Labor Ministry Raids HD Hyundai Heavy Industries Over Ulsan Submarine Fire Labor authorities have launched a forced investigation into a recent fire aboard a submarine at a shipbuilding site in Ulsan.  The Ministry of Employment and Labor said Tuesday it was conducting searches and seizures at HD Hyundai Heavy Industries' Ulsan headquarters and other locations over a Navy submarine fire at the company's Ulsan shipyard that killed a worker in her 60s. About 60 people, including labor inspectors and police, were deployed. Authorities are securing computers and related materials and focusing on whether fire-prevention measures and evacuation steps were properly carried out. The fire broke out at about 1:58 p.m. on April 9 on the Hong Beom-do, a 214-class (1,800-ton) Navy submarine undergoing maintenance at the Ulsan shipyard in Ulsan's Dong District. Most workers evacuated, but A, a woman in her 60s employed by a subcontractor, was trapped inside. After the fire was put out, firefighters searched the vessel and found her at about 4:38 p.m. near an interior passageway. Rescue efforts were hampered by the extremely tight space and repeated explosions after water used in firefighting came into contact with electrical equipment. Authorities dried the submarine and dismantled high-capacity batteries before recovering her body about 33 hours after the fire began. The Labor Ministry's Ulsan office said it will use the seized materials to determine whether required safety measures were followed and who is responsible. It will also review possible violations of the Occupational Safety and Health Act and the Serious Accidents Punishment Act. A ministry official said authorities will actively use measures such as searches, seizures and custodial investigations at workplaces where serious accidents occur or where similar incidents recur due to failures to follow basic safety rules.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:10:15

Lee Yong Announces Bid for Hanam Gap By-Election, Apologizes for Yoon Administration Lee Yong, a former lawmaker from the People Power Party, announced May 6 that he will run in the parliamentary by-election in Gyeonggi Province’s Hanam Gap district, pledging to “restore the rule of law and democracy” and “open a bigger future for Hanam.” Lee, who served as chief aide to Yoon Suk Yeol during Yoon’s presidential campaign and was known as a close protector, apologized, saying he is not free of responsibility “now that the Yoon Suk Yeol administration has disappointed and hurt the public.” Speaking at a news conference at the National Assembly press center, Lee said, “If you helped create an administration, you must also take responsibility when it fails.” “Creating an administration was the reason a party exists, and I carried out my duties as a People Power Party lawmaker,” he said. “But now that the administration has disappointed and hurt the public, I am not free of responsibility. I’m sorry. I sincerely apologize.” He added, “I will not make excuses or hide. I will not avoid the public’s punishment,” and said he would change first, take responsibility where needed, fix what must be fixed, and rebuild trust through actions rather than words. Taking aim at former Democratic Party lawmaker Choo Mi-ae and Lee Kwang-jae, a Hanam Gap candidate, Lee said the election is “a contest between someone running for Hanam and someone who came to Hanam for an election,” adding, “Hanam is not a nest where migratory birds stop briefly and leave.” Lee said he did not leave Hanam after losing the last general election because “an election ending does not mean promises to citizens end.” He said he spent the past two years visiting neighborhoods across the city and met residents for talks and other outreach sessions as few as five times a day and as many as 20. He said he would keep promises to Hanam residents and put their lives at the center of his politics, and urged voters to “judge the arrogant Lee Jae-myung administration” on June 3 and to restore livelihoods and ensure Hanam’s development continues without interruption. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 10:09:14