Korea's Lee replaces health and customs deputies SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - South Korean President Lee Jae Myung replaced the country’s top health and customs officials Friday in a vice-ministerial reshuffle carried out less than a year after both incumbents took office, the presidential office said. Hyeon Su-yeop, spokesperson for the Ministry of Health and Welfare, was named first vice minister of health and welfare, while Lee Jong-wook, vice commissioner of the Korea Customs Service, was appointed customs commissioner, presidential spokesperson Lee Kyu-yeon said Friday. They replace First Vice Health Minister Lee Se-ran and Customs Commissioner Lee Myung-gu, who are stepping down less than a year after assuming office in June and July of last year, respectively. The presidential office dismissed speculation that the reshuffle amounted to disciplinary action. “It has been about a year, and the government believes new appointments are needed to move policies forward more quickly,” spokesperson Lee said, adding that the outgoing officials had helped lay the groundwork for the administration’s key initiatives during its early months in office. New Vice Health Minister Hyeon spent much of her career at the Health Ministry, serving in a broad range of healthcare and welfare policy roles. She previously handled issues involving emergency medical services, pharmaceutical policy, childcare and health technology, before later overseeing population and child policy and serving as ministry spokesperson. New Customs Commissioner Lee Jong-wook was described as a longtime customs official who held several senior posts within the Korea Customs Service, including head of planning and coordination. The presidential office said Lee played a key role in uncovering large-scale illegal export schemes designed to circumvent trade restrictions and tariffs, while also cooperating with Thai authorities to crack down on drug smuggling networks. 2026-05-15 18:00:10

Korea's Cheonghae Unit departs for Gulf of Aden amid Hormuz tensions SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - The South Korean Navy’s destroyer Wang Geon departed from Busan on Friday to replace the Cheonghae Unit currently operating in the Gulf of Aden, amid speculation that the unit could be deployed near the Strait of Hormuz depending on regional developments. The 4,400-ton Wang Geon, a Chungmugong Yi Sun-sin-class destroyer, left Busan Naval Base at 4 p.m. after a send-off ceremony attended by service members and their families. The 48th rotation of the Cheonghae Unit consists of about 260 personnel, including the ship’s crew, command staff, a UDT/SEAL boarding team, an aviation unit operating a Lynx maritime helicopter, and Marine Corps, medical and maintenance support personnel. The Navy said about 80 members, or roughly 30 percent of the unit, have previous experience serving with the Cheonghae Unit. The unit will carry out anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, escort vessels and support safe navigation. It is also tasked with protecting South Korean nationals in emergencies and participating in maritime security operations led by the Combined Maritime Forces and the European Union Naval Force Somalia. Under the deployment approval passed by the National Assembly, the Cheonghae Unit’s operational area is limited to waters around the Gulf of Aden. However, speculation has grown that the unit’s mission area could be expanded to the Strait of Hormuz if Seoul decides to join U.S.-proposed military cooperation efforts aimed at reopening the key waterway. Such a move would require parliamentary approval. The 48th rotation has strengthened its counter-drone defense system, reflecting concerns over threats such as explosive drones used during the Iran war. A Navy official said the upgrade was not made with a possible Hormuz deployment in mind, but was intended to prepare for various threats that could arise during the unit’s mission. The currently deployed Dae Jo-yeong destroyer is also known to have established communication channels with South Korean vessels near the Strait of Hormuz and has been checking their safety conditions. The Cheonghae Unit is expected to take three to four weeks to reach the Gulf of Aden and replace the 47th rotation next month. At the ceremony, Navy Chief of Staff Adm. Kim Kyung-ryul said the Cheonghae Unit “symbolizes the strong naval power of the Republic of Korea” and shows the country’s role as a responsible global state. Col. Ahn Woo-jin, commander of the 48th rotation, said the unit would work as “one team” to complete its mission. Oceans Minister Hwang Jong-woo asked the unit to protect South Korean vessels, saying ships flying the Korean flag are “our territory moving across the world.” Launched in March 2009, the Cheonghae Unit has escorted more than 2,400 vessels and supported the safe navigation of about 39,000 ships over the past 17 years. 2026-05-15 17:43:31

ASIA INSIGHT: The Taiwan Strai poses as most dangerous fault line in US-China relations A Strategic chokepoint rivaling the Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Malacca Whenever the leaders of the United States and China meet, the world watches closely. Yet behind the formal photographs, diplomatic courtesies, and carefully calibrated statements, one issue continues to dominate the strategic core of the relationship: Taiwan. Trade disputes, tariffs, artificial intelligence, supply chains, Ukraine, and the Middle East all occupied the agenda during the Beijing summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. But in the end, the meeting reaffirmed an uncomfortable reality: the Taiwan Strait remains the most combustible geopolitical flashpoint between the world’s two great powers. President Xi delivered an unusually blunt warning during the summit, declaring that mishandling the Taiwan issue could lead to direct confrontation between China and the United States. For Beijing, this was not merely rhetorical escalation. China has long described Taiwan as the “core of its core interests,” but Xi’s latest remarks carried the tone of a strategic red line drawn with greater clarity than before. The American response came swiftly. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated after the summit that America’s Taiwan policy “has not changed” and remains consistent with previous administrations. That statement, though diplomatically measured, carries profound significance. For decades, Washington has operated under a carefully engineered ambiguity. It formally recognizes the “One China” policy while simultaneously sustaining Taiwan’s defensive capabilities through the Taiwan Relations Act. The United States has therefore maintained a delicate equilibrium: acknowledging Beijing diplomatically while supporting Taipei strategically. Particularly notable was Rubio’s somewhat ambiguous comment that arms sales to Taiwan were “not a major agenda item” during the summit. In diplomatic circles, such phrasing rarely lacks meaning. One interpretation is that both sides prioritized tariffs and economic tensions. Another is that Washington sought to avoid publicly exposing the intensity of Beijing’s demands behind closed doors. For China, American arms sales to Taiwan remain among the most sensitive of all issues. Beijing believes Washington’s military support emboldens pro-independence forces in Taipei and disrupts the military balance across the Strait. The United States, however, sees Taiwan’s defensive resilience as essential to maintaining the broader balance of power throughout the Indo-Pacific. Thus, the two nations continue to study the same map while reading entirely different realities. The Taiwan Strait is not merely a regional dispute zone. It is one of the central arteries of the global economy — a strategic corridor through which maritime trade, semiconductor supply chains, and the infrastructure of the AI age increasingly converge. If the Strait of Hormuz is the lifeline of global energy markets, then the Taiwan Strait has become the lifeline of the digital and technological economy. If the Strait of Malacca serves as the gateway of East-West commerce, the Taiwan Strait is rapidly emerging as the gateway to 21st-century technological supremacy. The historical roots of this confrontation are complex. Following the Chinese Civil War in 1949, Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government retreated to Taiwan, creating the divided political structure that still exists today. During the Cold War, the United States protected Taiwan as a critical anti-communist outpost in Asia. The strategic framework shifted in the 1970s, when President Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger opened relations with Beijing. Washington normalized ties with China while maintaining unofficial relations with Taiwan, creating one of the most intricate balancing acts in modern diplomacy. For decades, that balance endured. Today, however, it is under severe strain. The most important reason is China’s dramatic rise in national power. Economically, militarily, and technologically, China is no longer the country it was twenty or thirty years ago. The modernization of the Chinese navy and missile forces has altered the military equation in the Western Pacific and increasingly challenges American dominance in the region. At the same time, Taiwan itself has changed politically. The older “One China” identity associated with the Kuomintang era has weakened substantially. Among younger generations in particular, a distinctly Taiwanese identity has emerged. Political forces aligned with the Democratic Progressive Party increasingly emphasize Taiwan’s separate political and cultural identity. This is precisely the trend Beijing fears most. For Xi Jinping’s government, Taiwan is not simply a territorial matter. It is deeply tied to the historical legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and to the broader narrative of national rejuvenation. Overlaying this geopolitical tension is the intensifying global struggle over semiconductors and artificial intelligence. Taiwan stands at the very center of the world’s advanced semiconductor ecosystem. TSMC has become one of the indispensable corporations of the AI era. A substantial share of the advanced chips powering artificial intelligence systems — including those designed by Nvidia and other American technology giants — depend upon Taiwan’s semiconductor manufacturing capacity. Washington understands this reality as clearly as Beijing does. For that reason, Taiwan is no longer simply a territorial dispute. It is also a strategic contest over technological dominance in the age of AI. The United States cannot easily abandon Taiwan because Taiwan now occupies a critical position within the architecture of the global digital economy. Recent American policy reflects this strategic calculation. The United States has strengthened security cooperation with Japan, the Philippines, and Australia while integrating Taiwan more deeply into its broader Indo-Pacific strategy. China, meanwhile, increasingly views the South China Sea, East China Sea, and Taiwan Strait as a single interconnected strategic theater. Military tensions have risen accordingly. Chinese military aircraft now enter Taiwan’s Air Defense Identification Zone with increasing frequency. American naval transits through the Taiwan Strait have likewise become more common. The possibility of accidental confrontation is no longer theoretical. The deeper problem is that neither side can easily retreat. For Washington, credibility with allies and the preservation of the Indo-Pacific order are at stake. For Beijing, nationalism and regime legitimacy are inseparable from the Taiwan issue. That is why Taiwan has become the most dangerous intersection point in the broader U.S.-China rivalry. Neither South Korea nor Japan can remain insulated from these tensions. Japan’s southwestern islands lie geographically close to Taiwan, making Okinawa and Yonaguni strategically significant in any Taiwan contingency. Tokyo’s accelerating military modernization and acquisition of counterstrike capabilities cannot be understood separately from the Taiwan question. South Korea faces an equally complex dilemma. Economically, Seoul remains deeply connected to China. Strategically, however, its security framework rests upon its alliance with the United States. South Korea’s semiconductor industry, in particular, stands precariously between the Chinese market and American technological systems. Should a crisis erupt in the Taiwan Strait, the consequences for South Korea would extend far beyond diplomacy. Export markets, financial stability, shipping routes, energy prices, exchange rates, and semiconductor supply chains would all face severe disruption. This is why the Taiwan issue cannot be dismissed as a distant geopolitical quarrel. It is directly connected to the economic architecture and strategic future of Northeast Asia itself. Ultimately, the Taiwan Strait represents far more than a dispute between Beijing and Taipei. It is the convergence point of great-power rivalry, artificial intelligence, maritime strategy, semiconductor dominance, and the future order of the Indo-Pacific. Sun Tzu wrote in The Art of War that “the supreme art of war is to subdue the enemy without fighting.” If the United States and China truly aspire to act as responsible strategic powers, they must find a path toward disciplined competition and managed tension rather than military collision. For if gunfire ever erupts across the Taiwan Strait, the consequences will not stop at Taiwan’s shores. They will spread across South Korea, Japan, Asia, and ultimately the entire global economy. 2026-05-15 17:41:56

No breakthrough for Samsung Elec despite 11th-hour C-suite visit to union SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - Top executives of Samsung Electronics failed Friday in an eleventh-hour attempt to avert a looming general strike after visiting the labor union office of the world’s largest memory chipmaker, whose exports alone account for roughly one-fifth of South Korea’s total outbound shipments. Mindful of the government’s determination to prevent a strike at a company whose production disruption could cost billions of dollars in economic losses and tax revenues, Samsung’s C-suite moved directly to engage union leaders after government-mediated wage talks collapsed earlier this week. The delegation, led by Vice Chairman and Device Solutions (DS) chief Jun Young-hyun, arrived at the office of the National Samsung Electronics Union (NSEU) at the company’s Pyeongtaek campus Friday afternoon. The executive team also included Foundry Business head Han Jin-man and System LSI chief Park Yong-in. Shares of Samsung Electronics plunged 7.8 percent Friday to close at 270,700 won after nearing the 300,000-won milestone in the previous session, as investor sentiment deteriorated on disappointment over the labor impasse. The visit followed a rare public apology issued by Samsung’s board of presidents earlier in the day, expressing “heavy responsibility” for the burden the prolonged labor dispute has placed on shareholders and the public. Management said it remained willing to engage the union with an “unconditional” and “open” mindset and urged labor representatives to return to negotiations as soon as possible, raising hopes for a potential breakthrough. Samsung emphasized that semiconductor manufacturing operates on a continuous 24-hour production cycle, warning that any work stoppage could inflict lasting damage on the company’s credibility and “trust assets” with global customers. Despite the conciliatory tone and unusual high-level visit, the meeting ended on a negative note as both sides remained firmly entrenched ahead of the union’s planned strike beginning May 21. Union leader Choi Seung-ho reportedly maintained a hard-line stance even after the government signaled it could consider invoking rarely used emergency mediation authority to prevent a strike viewed as harmful to the national economy. “Employees have lost trust in management,” Choi reportedly told executives during the meeting, adding that the union would only consider returning to formal negotiations if Samsung presents a concrete agenda addressing its core demands regarding compensation and performance bonuses. Choi also suggested that renegotiation could only resume after June 7, signaling the union’s determination to proceed with its planned 18-day strike beginning May 21. The union estimates that as many as 50,000 workers could participate. The standoff comes at a sensitive moment for Samsung as the company attempts to regain momentum in the intensifying global AI semiconductor race. Industry analysts warned that prolonged disruptions could carry risks extending beyond short-term production losses. “Samsung Electronics is at a vital moment where it still has the opportunity to solidify its position as a top global leader,” a semiconductor industry analyst said. “With global tech companies such as Apple, Tesla and NVIDIA among its key customers, failing to meet orders because of an internal strike could become a lost opportunity that permanently damages its competitive standing.” The government has also increased pressure on both sides to reach a compromise, warning that a large-scale disruption at Samsung could ripple through South Korea’s export-dependent economy at a time of heightened market volatility and geopolitical uncertainty. With the union’s strike deadline approaching and no compromise in sight, the standoff between Samsung management and labor is expected to continue through the weekend as both sides weigh the economic and strategic consequences of a full-scale production disruption. 2026-05-15 17:30:08

BOK brings on hawkish new member SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - Kim Jin-ill, a former professor at Korea University, held his inauguration ceremony on Friday, to succeed Shin Sung-hwan, who retired from the Bank of Korea’s (BOK) Monetary Policy Board earlier this week. Kim is expected to strengthen the BOK’s hawkish stance with his focus on the traditional role of a central bank. Kim held a private inauguration ceremony at the BOK on Friday afternoon. This comes just four days after the Korea Federation of Banks (KFB) recommended him as a board member following Shin’s departure. Kim’s term officially began this Tuesday, immediately after Shin’s retirement, in accordance with the Bank of Korea Act. The right to nominate the five board members, excluding the BOK governor and senior deputy governor, lies with the BOK governor, the Minister of Economy and Finance, the Financial Services Commission chairman, the chairman of the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry, and the chairman of the KFB. Since Shin was appointed upon the KFB’s recommendation, the vacancy was filled by the same body. In contrast to Shin, who was known for his strong dovish tendencies—issuing seven dissenting opinions, five of which favored rate cuts—Kim is an expert who emphasizes the traditional roles of a central bank. He is recognized as a "U.S. expert," having conducted research as an invited economist at the U.S. Federal Reserve from 1996 to 1998 and from 2003 to 2010. Given that this appointment comes under the leadership of Governor Shin Hyun-song, a traditional financial stability advocate who succeeded former Governor Rhee Chang-yong, the central bank is expected to place more weight on monetary policy itself moving forward. Notably, Kim views himself as a relative hawk compared to other board members. In an interview with a media outlet shortly after his nomination, Kim stated that if he were to place a dot on the BOK’s dot plot, it would be "half a click (0.125 percent)" above the average or median. He did not hide his intention to prioritize financial stability, aligning with Governor Shin’s past stance of suggesting preemptive rate hikes during the 2008 financial crisis. In his inauguration speech on Friday, Kim opened by stating that "inflationary concerns have intensified due to high oil prices caused by the war in the Middle East" and mentioned exchange rate risks stemming from capital outflows. He clearly signaled that he would prioritize price stability. The increasing likelihood that the U.S. Federal Reserve will not cut interest rates is another burden. While Fed Chair-designate Kevin Warsh, often called a "hawkish dove" for advocating simultaneous balance sheet reduction and rate cuts, is set to begin his term soon, the timing of any cut has become uncertain. U.S. consumer prices rose 3.8 percent in April, the highest in about three years since May 2023. Some presidents of major regional Federal Reserve Banks, including Chicago and Boston, have even suggested rate hikes, forcing the BOK to prepare accordingly. However, Kim drew a line against the possibility of a radical rate hike, citing the 2,000 trillion won ($1.36 trillion) in household debt and the steady rise in apartment prices. Under the leadership of former Governor Rhee, the BOK had frozen the benchmark interest rate at 2.5 percent for seven consecutive sessions until April 10, following its last cut in May last year, to account for households' debt repayment capacity. Kim has not ruled out the possibility of aligning with this cautious approach. 2026-05-15 16:57:45

Seoul offers Canadians a real undersea ride in last stretch of submarine race SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - A South Korean flag-bearing submarine will surface at the Port of Victoria, off Canada's western coast, later this month after a two-month journey with Canadian crew members aboard — sailing from Jinhae in southern Korea in a symbolic outreach as Ottawa weighs Team Korea against Europe for a multibillion-dollar submarine contract. The bid to supply Canada with up to 12 next-generation submarines has narrowed to consortia led by Korea's Hanwha Ocean and Germany's Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems (TKMS). Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney has said Ottawa aims to decide on a supplier for the Canadian Patrol Submarine Project by the end of next month. As Ottawa seeks to replace its aging Victoria-class fleet, analysts cited by Canadian media estimate the total cost at between 60 billion and 120 billion Canadian dollars over the submarines' life cycle, including roughly 24 billion to 30 billion for the initial purchase. Hanwha Ocean is offering a variant of South Korea's KSS-III Batch-II submarine, while TKMS is proposing the Type 212CD, jointly procured by Germany and Norway. Both are conventionally powered diesel-electric submarines. Seoul has mounted an unusually aggressive campaign. The Republic of Korea Navy's Dosan Ahn Chang-ho, a KSS-III-class vessel, left Jinhae Naval Base on March 25 on a 14,000-kilometer trans-Pacific voyage. The submarine is expected to arrive at CFB Esquimalt in Victoria, British Columbia, before participating in joint exercises with the Royal Canadian Navy in June. During a stop in Hawaii on May 7, two Canadian submarine crew members boarded the vessel to observe its operations firsthand. "The South Korean Navy has friendly ties with Canada," a South Korean Navy official said. "There have been several maritime exercises before, but this is the first time a South Korean submarine has gone there." The June exercise is expected to involve one submarine and one surface vessel from each side. The voyage allows South Korea to demonstrate both the submarine's capabilities and its ability to operate the platform across the Pacific — a pointed argument to Ottawa about operational reach. Diplomatic efforts are also intensifying. According to sources familiar with the matter, Seoul is considering sending a high-level government delegation, potentially including presidential chief of staff Kang Hoon-sik, to Ottawa. Canada extended the bidding process in early April, giving the two remaining contenders more time to revise their proposals — a move widely seen as a signal that Ottawa wanted stronger economic and industrial benefits before making a final decision. Hanwha Ocean has since raised the value of its proposed economic benefits from 60 billion to about 70 billion Canadian dollars, and added a plan to produce military and industrial vehicles in Canada using local parts and labor. Germany is making an equally aggressive late push. German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius is expected to return to Ottawa in late May for CANSEC, Canada's largest defense industry exhibition. Earlier this month, German Vice Chancellor and Finance Minister Lars Klingbeil also visited Canada to champion TKMS' bid. TKMS has emphasized industrial cooperation with Canadian companies, including Bombardier, framing its proposal as a long-term partnership rather than a traditional arms purchase. The geopolitical backdrop has added another layer of complexity. Trade pressure from the Trump administration has reinforced calls in Canada to reduce dependence on the United States and deepen strategic ties with Europe and Asia — a current that both bidders are trying to ride. Canada has not ordered a new submarine since the Cold War era and has never sought to acquire 12 at once. Its current fleet of four secondhand Victoria-class submarines has been plagued by persistent readiness problems, with reportedly only one vessel available for operations at times. On paper, TKMS holds a clear export advantage, having supplied submarines to navies around the world. Hanwha Ocean, by contrast, counts only one overseas submarine contract — with Indonesia. But Seoul is betting that a submarine arriving under its own power on Canada's doorstep, crewed in part by Canadians, makes an argument that no brochure can. The opportunity comes as South Korea pursues an ambitious goal of becoming one of the world's four largest defense exporters. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, South Korea ranked among the world's top ten arms exporters from 2020 to 2024, with systems including the K9 self-propelled howitzer, Chunmoo multiple rocket launcher and FA-50 light attack aircraft expanding Seoul's footprint in NATO markets. 2026-05-15 16:49:55

Lee scores high on US ties in first-year diplomacy review SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - South Korean President Lee Jae Myung may appear domestically focused — his cabinet meetings are live-streamed and his social-media presence is constant — but his first year was defined by foreign affairs. He traveled to 15 countries and held 45 summit meetings, according to his vice foreign minister, a pace that far outstrips his recent predecessors: both Moon Jae-in and Yoon Suk Yeol visited nine countries in their respective first years. Much of that effort went toward restoring national dignity after Yoon Suk Yeol's brief martial-law declaration and subsequent impeachment, said Second Vice Foreign Minister Kim Jina at a Sejong Institute forum Thursday. "Over the past year, we have managed crises and expanded opportunities amid an unstable international environment," Kim said. The sixth Sejong Special Policy Forum, held Thursday afternoon at the institute's conference room, brought together specialists on the United States, Japan, China and North Korea to assess the first year of President Lee's diplomacy and security policy ahead of the administration's first anniversary next month. Panelists broadly agreed that Lee's "pragmatic diplomacy" had stabilized South Korea's external relations after a turbulent period, but warned that Seoul must now move from crisis management to a more durable strategy. Lee Chan-song, a research fellow at the Sejong Institute, gave the administration a favorable evaluation on relations with Washington, citing progress on the transfer of wartime operational control (OPCON) as one of the clearest achievements in alliance management. Crisis management also held up surprisingly well under Donald Trump's second presidency, which unleashed a barrage of tariffs on allies and adversaries alike on Liberation Day in April 2025. During his campaign, Lee had pledged a diplomacy "grounded in national interests," describing the alliance with Washington as the foundation of his foreign policy and calling for trilateral cooperation with the United States and Japan. Lee Seung-joo, a professor of political science and international relations at Chung-Ang University, described Lee's first year as dominated by tariff negotiations and argued that Seoul had developed what could be called a "Korean model" of tariff bargaining. The Trump administration's strategy of pressing multiple trading partners simultaneously created a dynamic in which early deals became benchmarks for later negotiations. Seoul, which entered talks later than some competitors due to a domestic leadership vacuum, had to move quickly while managing uncertainty, he pointed out. South Korea also leveraged its role as host of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Gyeongju, where Lee chaired the leaders' meeting and presided over a session on artificial intelligence and demographic change. The two sides reached a trade deal in late July that lowered U.S. duties on Korean goods from 25 percent to 15 percent in exchange for a US$350 billion investment package and US$100 billion in U.S. energy purchases, centered on shipbuilding, semiconductors, batteries and other strategic industries. Still, Lee Chan-song warned that alliance modernization is beginning to expose differences. He urged the government to choose its language carefully in Washington, saying terms such as "strategic coordination" or "strategic alignment" would be preferable to "strategic autonomy." He also called on Seoul to prepare for the post-Trump era. His remarks came after Gen. Xavier Brunson, commander of U.S. Forces Korea, told a U.S. House Armed Services Committee hearing that Seoul and Washington aim to meet the conditions for OPCON transfer no later than the first quarter of 2029. South Korea handed wartime operational control to the U.S.-led U.N. Command during the 1950–53 Korean War, retook peacetime OPCON in 1994 and has since pursued a conditions-based transfer of wartime command. Japan Lee Ki-tae, a research fellow at the Sejong Institute, said the administration had chosen a careful but effective path — managing historical disputes without allowing them to block cooperation on security, supply chains and advanced technologies. "The Lee Jae Myung government is doing well in South Korea-Japan relations," Lee Ki-tae said, though he cautioned that "the current South Korea-Japan relationship is closer to a conditional expansion of cooperation than to full reconciliation." He described the relationship as a "managed" phase: Seoul remains mindful of domestic sentiment on history-related issues, while Tokyo has adopted a practical approach that emphasizes trust-building over quick symbolic breakthroughs. A January summit between Lee and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Nara was a key milestone. Takaichi, just three months in office, performed "Golden" and "Dynamite" at the gathering. A few months later, she is due to visit Lee's hometown of Andong — also an ancient city, coincidentally — next week, continuing the shuttle diplomacy. Both summits face shared challenges, including energy security risks from Strait of Hormuz tensions and U.S. pressure to join operations against an Iranian blockade of the corridor, alongside shared opportunities in AI. Lee Ki-tae said the future of South Korea-Japan ties will depend less on dramatic gestures and more on policy continuity and crisis management. He identified intelligence sharing, supply chain resilience, technology security, disaster relief and nontraditional security as areas where both sides can produce results without excessive political risk. He also warned that the two countries do not fully share the same priorities on North Korea. Seoul's preferred approach combines exchanges, normalization and denuclearization, while Japan places stronger emphasis on denuclearization and the abduction issue. Any restart of diplomacy involving Pyongyang, he said, would require close advance coordination between Seoul and Tokyo. China Kang Jun-young, a professor at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, said Beijing had expected a liberal South Korean government to tilt toward China after years of stronger Seoul-Washington alignment under the previous conservative administration. That it has not, he argued, should itself be read as a mark of success. "If Beijing thinks the Lee Jae Myung government did not come as close to China as it expected, that means the Lee government did well," Kang said. Lee's first summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping, on the sidelines of the APEC summit in Gyeongju in November, set a constructive tone as the two leaders agreed on the need to cooperate for peace on the Korean Peninsula. Xi's visit was his first to South Korea in 11 years. The two met again in Beijing in January, with denuclearization, economic ties and cultural exchanges on the agenda. Lee later said the summits helped put bilateral relations "back on track." Kang stressed that the economic relationship between South Korea and China is shifting from complementarity to competition. China's technological advancement and growing self-sufficiency are eroding the foundation of South Korea's exports, while Seoul remains heavily dependent on Beijing for key minerals, processed raw materials and advanced materials. He called for a model of economic-security cooperation that balances engagement with risk reduction. Kang also flagged growing Chinese naval activity in the Yellow Sea as a serious security concern given its proximity to South Korea's capital region, calling for clearer red lines on high-risk security issues and more active cooperation in lower-risk areas such as culture, tourism, climate, local government exchanges and academic cooperation. North Korea Little progress has been made on the North Korean front. Park Won Gon, a professor of North Korean studies at Ewha Womans University, said North Korea's shift is not merely rhetorical but constitutional, military and nuclear in nature. "The Lee Jae Myung government's North Korea policy must go beyond the short-term goal of resuming dialogue and expand into a long-term national strategy responding to North Korea's structural strategic shift," Park said. In the first half of 2026, North Korea institutionalized its hostile state-to-state relationship with the South. A revised constitution added a territorial clause and dropped all references to unification, reinforcing Pyongyang's break from the idea of inter-Korean relations as a temporary division within one nation. In March, state media reported that Kim Jong-un formally designated South Korea the "most hostile state" and reaffirmed the North's nuclear status. Park said the implications are profound. By redefining the South as an enemy state rather than a partner in national reconciliation, Pyongyang is constructing political and ideological justification for the potential use of nuclear weapons. The North's doctrine now combines conventional military modernization, nuclear force development and a legal framework that has discarded the old language of peaceful unification. Seoul's response, Park argued, should begin with a strategic redefinition of inter-Korean relations. South Korea may continue to uphold unification as a constitutional and national goal, but daily policy management must treat North Korea as a de facto hostile state for the purposes of crisis prevention and deterrence. That would require stronger extended deterrence with the United States, improved operational capability in South Korea's three-axis defense system and new mechanisms to prevent accidental clashes. With past inter-Korean military agreements effectively rendered void, Park said Seoul should explore indirect communication channels through the U.N. Command or third-party intermediaries — not as political concessions, but as minimum safety devices against escalation. The Lee government has nonetheless kept the door to dialogue open. National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac has described Lee's "END" initiative — exchange, normalization and denuclearization — as a mutually reinforcing structure in which progress in one area helps advance the others, with the overarching goal of ending confrontation and hostility on the Korean Peninsula through an integrated approach. 2026-05-15 16:49:18

Seoul sizzles as early summer heat pushes temperatures above 30C SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) -An unusually early summer heat spell swept across South Korea on Friday as temperatures in Seoul climbed above 30 degrees Celsius, driving citizens and foreign tourists toward fountains and shaded public spaces to escape the scorching weather. At Gwanghwamun Square in central Seoul, visitors crowded around fountain facilities and water features as children splashed through streams of water under clear blue skies. The scene reflected the growing popularity of outdoor urban cooling spots during Korea’s increasingly hotter and longer warm seasons. According to the Korea Meteorological Administration, daytime highs nationwide were forecast to range between 22C and 32C, significantly above seasonal averages for mid-May. Morning lows ranged from 10C to 17C. Meteorologists said the hot and dry conditions arrived earlier than usual this year, fueled by warm southwesterly winds and strong daytime sunshine. Air quality across most regions was expected to remain at “good” to “moderate” levels, creating favorable conditions for outdoor activities and tourism despite the heat. Authorities also issued maritime visibility warnings as fog developed over parts of the West Sea and East Sea. Some island areas were expected to see visibility drop below 200 meters alongside light drizzle, raising concerns over maritime safety and ferry operations. Wave heights were forecast at 0.5 to 1 meter along the eastern and southern coasts, while offshore waves in parts of the South Sea could rise to around 2 meters. 2026-05-15 16:48:13

KOSPI sinks more than 6%, erasing weekly gains in violent foreign selloff SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) — South Korean stocks suffered a brutal reversal Friday as the benchmark KOSPI plunged more than 6 percent, wiping out all gains made earlier this week after foreign and institutional investors rushed to lock in profits once the index briefly crossed the 8,000 mark. The KOSPI closed down 6.12 percent at 7,493.18 after swinging wildly between an intraday high of 8,046.78 and a low of 7,371.68. The selloff marked the first intraday drop of more than 6 percent since March 23 and highlighted how quickly sentiment deteriorated as concerns mounted over rising Japanese interest rates, surging oil prices and a broader global bond-yield repricing. The index had initially extended its AI-driven rally in early trading, supported by continued gains in robotics and semiconductor-related shares, before foreign investors abruptly turned into aggressive sellers. Retail investors rushed in to buy the dip, purchasing a net 7.22 trillion won ($5.50 billion) worth of KOSPI shares. Foreign investors dumped 5.6 trillion won, while institutions sold 1.73 trillion won. Volatility intensified in the afternoon, prompting the Korea Exchange to activate a sell-side sidecar at 1:28 p.m. after KOSPI200 futures plunged more than 5 percent. The sharp reversal came despite relatively firm semiconductor sentiment overnight in the United States, where the Philadelphia Semiconductor Index rose 0.5 percent amid continued optimism surrounding AI demand and NVIDIA-linked supply chains. Investors instead shifted focus toward mounting macroeconomic risks tied to global interest rates and energy markets. Brent crude futures climbed above $107 per barrel while West Texas Intermediate crude traded above $103 as tensions surrounding Iran and the Strait of Hormuz escalated further. Concerns deepened after reports indicated severe disruptions to oil flows through the strategic shipping route, fueling fears of prolonged supply shortages and renewed global inflation pressure. The Korean won also weakened sharply alongside the equity rout, ending at 1,500.3 per dollar, up 0.5 percent from the previous session, as investors sought safe-haven assets. Semiconductor heavyweights led the decline as foreign investors concentrated selling on large-cap AI beneficiaries that had powered the recent rally. Samsung Electronics fell 8.6 percent to 270,500 won, while SK hynix dropped 7.7 percent to 1,819,000 won. Foreign investors sold more than 1.17 trillion won worth of Samsung Electronics shares and 639.9 billion won worth of SK hynix during the session. The broad market weakness contrasted with continued speculative strength in selected robotics and physical AI-related stocks. LG Electronics surged 10.8 percent to 240,500 won, extending its recent rerating rally after stronger-than-expected earnings and expanding cooperation with global AI firms including NVIDIA and Google DeepMind. Investors increasingly viewed the company as a potential hardware-platform beneficiary in the emerging physical AI ecosystem. Doosan Robotics also jumped 19.3 percent to 127,400 won as investors rotated into humanoid robotics and automation-related plays. The stock has recently attracted strong inflows on expectations that tightening U.S. restrictions on Chinese robotics technologies could benefit Korean suppliers. Transportation-related redevelopment plays also remained resilient despite the broader market collapse. Dongyang Express rose 17.1 percent while Chunil Express gained 12 percent as investors continued betting on redevelopment value tied to Seoul Express Bus Terminal assets ahead of local election-related policy discussions. In contrast, construction and infrastructure shares came under heavy pressure as risk appetite deteriorated rapidly. Daewoo E&C plunged 12.6 percent to 28,500 won, while Doosan Enerbility fell 5.4 percent and Korea Electric Cable dropped 7.1 percent. The tech-heavy KOSDAQ also slumped sharply, falling 5.14 percent to 1,129.82 after moving between 1,197.23 and 1,110.16 during the session. Foreign investors bought a net 398.2 billion won worth of KOSDAQ shares, while retail investors sold 144.9 billion won and institutions offloaded 13.7 billion won. Robotics-related names that had surged earlier in the week reversed sharply. Cosmo Robotics plunged 16.3 percent after recent speculative gains, while broader secondary battery and semiconductor equipment shares also weakened significantly. Elsewhere in Asia, Japan’s Nikkei 225 fell 2.2 percent to 61,268.90 as AI-related shares came under pressure following disappointing earnings guidance from Fujikura, raising concerns over stretched semiconductor and data-center valuations. Hong Kong’s Hang Seng Index fell 1.9 percent to 25,898.8, while China’s Shanghai Composite dropped 1.2 percent to 4,218.4. 2026-05-15 16:43:34

Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi to visit President Lee's hometown of Andong SEOUL, May 15 (AJP) - Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi will visit Andong, North Gyeongsang Province, the hometown of President Lee Jae Myung, for a summit with the South Korean leader on May 19, the presidential office said Friday. Presidential spokesperson Kang Yu-jung said Takaichi will make a two-day visit to Andong from May 19 to 20 to meet Lee. The two leaders are scheduled to hold both a small-group summit and an expanded summit, followed by a joint press announcement, a dinner and other informal events aimed at strengthening personal ties. The visit is seen as a reciprocal gesture after Lee traveled to Nara Prefecture, Takaichi’s hometown, in January. That meeting marked the first summit between the two leaders earlier this year. Lee was born in Andong in 1964. He graduated from elementary school there in 1976 before moving to Seongnam, Gyeonggi Province. The upcoming summit will bring the two leaders together about four months after Lee’s January visit to Nara. Nara is where Takaichi was born and raised, and it is also her current constituency in Japan’s House of Representatives. Takaichi first won a seat there as an independent candidate in the 1993 general election and has since been elected 10 times. Holding a summit in a leader’s political or personal hometown, rather than in the capital, is not without precedent in international diplomacy. Ten years ago, in 2016, then-Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe hosted Russian President Vladimir Putin for a summit in Nagato, Yamaguchi Prefecture, Abe’s electoral district. Chinese President Xi Jinping also invited Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Xi’an, his political base, instead of Beijing in 2015. In his memoir published in 2023, Abe wrote that inviting a counterpart to one’s home rather than to a restaurant can make the other side feel that they have “won your heart.” He said this was why he invited Putin to Nagato, his family’s registered domicile and the place where his father’s grave is located. U.S. President Donald Trump was also known for holding meetings with foreign leaders, including Abe, Xi and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida instead of the White House. The Andong meeting will be the third summit between Lee and Takaichi, following their first encounter at the APEC summit in Gyeongju last October and Lee’s visit to Nara in January. 2026-05-15 16:30:38