Journalist

Park Heewon
  • Exploring the Impact of 21st Century Great Lady on Historical Drama and Korean History
    Exploring the Impact of '21st Century Great Lady' on Historical Drama and Korean History MBC's drama '21st Century Great Lady' has sparked significant discussion. The first point to evaluate is the writer's imagination and the strength of the plot development. Few recent Korean dramas have boldly reinterpreted royal politics, human desires, love, and the tragedy of power with a modern sensibility as this one has. The ability to present the age-old theme of court power not merely as a historical reenactment but as a narrative about contemporary humanity is quite impressive. The rapid pacing, stylish dialogue, and character interpretations tailored to younger audiences stand out. The camera beautifully and chillingly captures the closed space of the palace, while the actors express the loneliness of power and human desires with subtlety. Notably, this work is significant for breaking away from the heavy tone typical of traditional historical dramas, attempting a more popular and sensory visual language. The effort to transform the historical setting of the Joseon dynasty into a living human drama is commendable. However, the issues arise thereafter. Historical dramas are not mere fantasies; they occupy a genre that straddles the line between history and imagination. Imagination is necessary, as a historical drama without it can easily lose vitality. Yet, when dealing with public memory, creators bear a certain responsibility. The controversy surrounding '21st Century Great Lady' stems from this very point. The drama significantly restructured character relationships and political dynamics for dramatic tension. This in itself is not problematic, as historical dramas are an art form that fills the gaps in records with imagination. However, some scenes have faced criticism for insufficient historical verification regarding the temporal context and historical order. Critics argue that the reinterpretation of Joseon royal rituals, political systems, Confucian governance, and the relationship between king and subjects through overly modern emotional frameworks has weakened the historical realism. In South Korea, debates over historical accuracy do not end with mere drama criticism. Koreans are particularly sensitive to historical issues, a reaction rooted in a long history of foreign invasions and colonial rule that distorted and robbed them of their history. The Joseon dynasty established a strong Confucian state system after its founder, Yi Seong-gye. During the reign of King Sejong, advancements in science, literature, music, astronomy, administration, and agricultural technology ushered in a golden age of Joseon civilization. However, at the same time, Joseon adopted a diplomatic principle of subservience to the Ming dynasty, with Confucianism as a core governance principle. In this process, the autonomous understanding of the ancient history of the Korean people and northern ancient history gradually diminished. Narratives that diverged from the Sinocentric worldview were often treated as uncomfortable. Records and controversies exist regarding the confiscation or control of ancient texts and esoteric literature during the Joseon era. Following the reign of King Sejo, the so-called 'Suseo-ryeong' issue arose, with claims that some ancient records disappeared. Various interpretations exist within academia regarding this matter. However, it is largely true that under the strong Confucian order that persisted until the late Joseon period, the study of ancient history and northern history faced significant restrictions. This trend continued in a more organized manner during the Japanese colonial period. The Government-General of Korea and the Korean History Compilation Committee attempted to reconstruct Korean history as subordinate to Japanese rule. The histories of Gojoseon, Buyeo, Goguryeo, and Balhae were minimized or distorted, and the activities of the Korean people were confined to the Korean Peninsula. The northern ancient history connecting Manchuria, the Liao River, and the Japanese archipelago was intentionally downplayed. However, recent research on ancient Northeast Asian history is entering a new phase, notably with the study of Hongshan culture. Hongshan culture is a late Neolithic cultural sphere discovered in Liaoning Province and southeastern Inner Mongolia, along the Liao River. It is estimated to date back to around 4000-3000 B.C., with significant archaeological finds at the site of Wuhaliang, including large altars, temples, megalithic structures, jade artifacts, and goddess statues. The Wuhaliang site is evaluated as evidence of an ancient civilization with a significant religious system and social hierarchy, surpassing mere tribal society. The jade dragon and intricate jade artifacts, along with sacrificial facilities and massive megalithic structures, indicate that Northeast Asia's prehistoric culture possessed a much higher level of civilization than previously thought. Importantly, some elements found at Hongshan culture sites suggest connections to the Bronze Age cultures of northern Korea and Manchuria. Some researchers highlight the potential links between the biphasic bronze culture, megalithic tomb structures, and northern equestrian culture with the later cultures of Gojoseon, Buyeo, and Goguryeo. Academically, caution is still necessary. Equating Hongshan culture directly with Gojoseon history may be an overinterpretation. However, it is increasingly recognized that the origins of Northeast Asian civilization cannot be solely explained by the Yellow River civilization, and the possibility of a northern civilization axis connecting the Liao River, Manchuria, and the Korean Peninsula is gaining attention. Interestingly, China's historical strategy is shifting. Ancient China viewed itself as the center of civilization, referring to northern tribes as Beidi, eastern tribes as Dongyi, southern tribes as Nanman, and western tribes as Xiyong. Surrounding peoples were long regarded as 'barbarians.' In contrast, modern China employs an opposite strategy. Since the establishment of the People's Republic of China, the Communist Party has promoted the theory of a 'unified multi-ethnic state,' seeking to incorporate the histories of surrounding ethnic groups into Chinese history. The Northeast Project, which interprets Goguryeo and Balhae as Chinese regional powers, is a continuation of this approach. This is not merely a historical debate; history is ultimately tied to territory, identity, and future strategies. Thus, South Korean society must move beyond emotional nationalism and uncritical mythologizing to engage in deeper and more rational historical research. The legends of Dangun, Hwanung, and the idea of the 'heavenly lineage' are important symbols of Korean spiritual culture. However, uncritically absolutizing them as history must also be avoided. Simultaneously, attitudes that excessively downplay Korean ancient history due to remnants of colonial historiography must be transcended. Ultimately, balance is crucial. Research on Hongshan culture and Liao civilization suggests that Korean ancient history was not confined to the Korean Peninsula. It prompts a reevaluation of the position of Korean ancient history within the vast Northeast Asian civilization. This is why the responsibility of historical dramas is even greater. Historical dramas are not mere entertainment; they are cultural devices that shape the public's historical consciousness and create powerful narratives for future generations. Therefore, drama writers and broadcasters, including MBC, must exercise greater caution in producing historical dramas. While dramatic appeal and imagination are necessary, respect for historical verification and contextual accuracy must also be prioritized. This is especially true when dealing with themes related to dynastic history, ancient history, and national identity, which require deeper research, consultation, and academic validation. Creativity must be free, but humility before history is essential. As important as fresh imagination is a reverence for history. Ratings and buzz may be fleeting, but historical consciousness endures across generations. Ultimately, a new perspective on Korean ancient history will not be one of extreme nationalism or self-deprecation rooted in colonial historiography. The key is a calm study and a confident awareness of civilization. Just as Greece has shaped the archetypes of Western civilization through Zeus, Achilles, the Trojan War, and Olympus mythology, China has utilized the myths of the Yellow Emperor, Yao, Shun, and the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors as roots of its civilizational history. India has similarly connected its ancient narratives through the Vedas, Mahabharata, and Ramayana to its national identity today. Korea must do the same. The legends of Dangun, Hwanung, and the heavenly lineage hold significance beyond mere folklore. They represent the roots of Korean spiritual culture, emphasizing harmony between heaven, humanity, and nature. However, modern historiography also requires a clear distinction between myth and empirical history. Thus, future research on Korean ancient history needs to develop in a more systematic and balanced manner. While expanding studies on Dangun Joseon, Gojoseon, Buyeo, Goguryeo, Balhae, and northern civilizations, it is essential to actively research and organize areas that can be verified through current historical and archaeological data within the framework of established historical narratives. At the same time, the earlier domains, such as the myths of Hwanung and Dangun, should be studied in terms of their significance to Korean spiritual culture and civilization symbolism. The attitude of unconditionally transforming myths into history is dangerous, but conversely, dismissing all myths as mere superstition or fiction is also not the attitude of a civilized nation. The important thing is to embrace both history and myth while respecting each domain's boundaries. In particular, research on Hongshan culture and Liao civilization opens the possibility that Korean ancient history is not confined to the Korean Peninsula. A new era is dawning for the study of Korean ancient history, connecting Manchuria, the Liao River, the Korean Peninsula, and the Japanese archipelago, as well as Central Asia and the Silk Road. In this process, the interactions with the Mughal Empire of India and Central Asian and Turkic civilizations, as well as the Silk Road, should also be illuminated. Goguryeo, Balhae, and Goryeo were not merely states that interacted with China; they were continuously connected to the northern nomadic world and the steppe civilization. The movements of horses, iron, bows, equestrian culture, Buddhism, and trade networks also flowed within this context. Ultimately, Korean ancient history must be read anew within the perspective of Eurasian civilizational exchange, transcending the confines of a closed peninsula narrative. This is why historical dramas must also be approached with greater caution. Historical dramas are not just consumable content; they are monumental cultural devices that shape the public's historical consciousness and create the civilizational awareness of future generations. The writer's imagination deserves respect, but humility before history is paramount. Dramatic appeal may be fleeting, but distorted historical perceptions linger. '21st Century Great Lady' undoubtedly showcased remarkable imagination and artistic direction. At the same time, it posed profound questions about historical verification, perceptions of ancient history, and the direction of Northeast Asian civilization in Korean society. Ultimately, what we may need today is a reflection that moves beyond emotional debates surrounding the past, aiming for a deeper, broader, and more dignified historical and civilizational state.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:42:00
  • Voter Registration for June 3 Local Elections Reaches 44.6 Million
    Voter Registration for June 3 Local Elections Reaches 44.6 Million The Ministry of the Interior and Safety announced on May 23 that the total number of registered voters for the 9th nationwide local elections, scheduled for June 3, is 44,649,908. This figure represents an increase of 346,459 voters compared to the 8th nationwide local elections held in June 2022, and a rise of 250,837 from the presidential election in June last year. Among the registered voters, 44,409,225 are South Korean citizens, while 89,151 are overseas citizens, and 151,532 are foreign nationals. The number of foreign voters has increased 3.13 times compared to the 6th nationwide local elections in 2014, which had 48,248 foreign voters. In terms of gender, there are 22,095,972 male voters (49.49%) and 22,553,936 female voters (50.51%). By age group, the largest segment is voters in their 50s, totaling 8,636,772 (19.34%). This is followed by those in their 60s with 8,008,122 (17.94%), 40s with 7,544,332 (16.90%), those aged 70 and above with 7,225,683 (16.18%), 30s with 6,709,201 (15.03%), 20s with 557,794 (12.48%), and teenagers with 955,004 (2.14%). Regionally, Gyeonggi Province has the highest number of voters at 11,878,997 (26.60%), followed by Seoul with 8,319,134 (18.63%) and Busan with 2,857,335 (6.40%). The area with the fewest voters is Sejong, with 309,134 (0.69%). In the 14 districts where by-elections for the National Assembly will be held, the number of registered voters is 2,631,866. Among these, South Korean citizens and overseas citizens number 2,263,883 and 3,238, respectively. Foreign nationals do not have voting rights in presidential or general elections. The district with the most voters is Daegu Dalseong with 252,539, while the district with the fewest is Busan Bukgak with 129,192. The number of voters in Daegu Dalseong is 1.95 times that of Busan Bukgak. Voters can check their registration numbers and polling locations through municipal websites or by mail. Early voting will take place from May 29 to 30, with designated polling places open on June 3.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:39:22
  • Trump Cancels Attendance at Sons Wedding Amid Iran Strike Considerations
    Trump Cancels Attendance at Son's Wedding Amid Iran Strike Considerations Tensions are rising in Washington as the Trump administration considers the possibility of resuming airstrikes against Iran. President Trump canceled plans to attend his son’s wedding on May 22, opting to remain at the White House instead after holding a high-level national security meeting. According to reports from Axios and CBS News on May 23, President Trump is seriously contemplating military action if Iran does not accept the “final proposal” the U.S. delivered on May 20. During a national security team meeting on May 22, attended by Vice President JD Vance, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, CIA Director John Ratcliffe, and White House Chief of Staff Suzy Wiles, Trump received updates on the negotiation status and potential responses if talks collapse. Secretary of State Marco Rubio was on a trip to Europe, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Cane was unable to attend due to scheduling conflicts. Anonymous sources cited by Axios indicated that Trump has shown increasing frustration with the negotiations over the past few days. While he emphasized diplomatic solutions during a call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on May 19, he began leaning toward military action after May 21. However, there are no clear signals that Trump has made a final decision to resume military operations. On May 22, he stated, "Iran desperately wants a deal," indicating he would continue to monitor the situation. The atmosphere within the U.S. government is tense, with many officials canceling personal plans ahead of the Memorial Day weekend on May 25. Trump also decided to return to the White House instead of spending the holiday at his golf club in New Jersey after a speech in New York. In a post on his social media platform Truth Social, Trump explained, "I was unable to attend the wedding of my son Donald Trump Jr. and Bettina Anderson in the Bahamas due to government-related matters and responsibilities to the United States. I deemed it important to remain at the White House during this critical time." Defense and intelligence officials are reportedly on high alert for potential retaliatory actions from Iran, with preparations underway to update deployment lists for overseas bases in conjunction with troop rotations in the Middle East. Since entering a temporary ceasefire on April 8, the U.S. and Iran have been engaged in indirect negotiations, but discussions remain challenging. The Iranian Foreign Ministry stated on May 22 that while talks are ongoing, a consensus is not imminent. The Tasnim news agency, linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), reported that key issues are still being negotiated. Meanwhile, mediation efforts to prevent a return to conflict are continuing. General Asim Munir, the Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan, arrived in Tehran on May 22, and a Qatari delegation is also reportedly involved in supporting negotiations. However, a U.S. official described the negotiations as "painfully slow," with drafts merely circulating without significant progress. Iran, for its part, is not backing down. The Iranian Foreign Ministry reiterated on May 22 that while discussions are ongoing, a deal is not close.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:36:59
  • Park Geun-hye Visits Traditional Market to Support Choo Kyung-ho Ahead of Local Elections
    Park Geun-hye Visits Traditional Market to Support Choo Kyung-ho Ahead of Local Elections Dubbed the "Queen of Elections," former President Park Geun-hye visited a traditional market in Daegu on May 23, just 11 days before the June 3 local elections, to rally support for Choo Kyung-ho, the People Power Party's candidate for mayor. Around 2 p.m., Park arrived at Chilseong Market in northern Daegu, dressed in a brown patterned top. She and Choo toured the bustling market for about 30 minutes, greeting vendors and shoppers alike. Merchants and citizens, out for weekend shopping, exchanged greetings and shook hands with Park. Many welcomed her with applause, shouting, "Park Geun-hye!" and "Park Geun-hye and Choo Kyung-ho, fighting!" After her visit, Park spoke to reporters, expressing gratitude for the warm reception. "I heard many people wanted to meet me, and I’m thankful for the warm welcome. I regret not visiting sooner," she said. She added, "The economy is struggling, and I wanted to offer some comfort. I believe Choo understands the difficult economic situation and will implement good policies," urging support for him. However, when asked if she planned to meet with Kim Boo-kyum, the Democratic Party's candidate for mayor of Daegu, who had formally requested a meeting, she did not respond. After Park left, Choo took to the campaign vehicle, appealing for votes by promising to revive the Daegu economy, inspired by the legacies of Park Geun-hye and her father, former President Park Chung-hee. Choo stated, "I will carry on the vision that Park Geun-hye and Park Chung-hee dreamed of and work to create a better world. I will ensure that Daegu, the last bastion of South Korea, resists the Democratic Party's influence and wins decisively to revive the local economy."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:33:29
  • South Korean Tanker Passes Through Red Sea Amid Hormuz Blockade
    South Korean Tanker Passes Through Red Sea Amid Hormuz Blockade As the Hormuz Strait remains blocked due to ongoing conflict in the Middle East, South Korean vessels are now transporting oil through the Red Sea. The Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries announced that as of 4 p.m. on May 23, the fifth South Korean tanker has safely passed through the Red Sea while transporting oil back to South Korea. The first instance of a South Korean tanker navigating the Red Sea occurred in mid-April. That tanker arrived at the GS Caltex oil terminal in Yeosu on May 7. The latest tanker reportedly loaded oil at the Yanbu port in Saudi Arabia. The ministry stated, "During the tanker’s journey through the Red Sea, we provided 24-hour real-time monitoring, navigational safety information, and maintained a communication channel between the ministry, the shipping company, and the vessel to ensure the safety of our ships and crew. We will continue to do our utmost to stabilize domestic oil supply and demand."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:31:32
  • 17th Anniversary Memorial Service for Former President Roh Moo-hyun Held in Bongha Village
    17th Anniversary Memorial Service for Former President Roh Moo-hyun Held in Bongha Village A memorial service marking the 17th anniversary of former President Roh Moo-hyun's passing was held on May 23 in Bongha Village, Gimhae, South Korea. According to Yonhap News Agency, the service took place at 2 p.m. at a special stage in the Bongha Village Ecological Cultural Park, themed "Democracy of My Life, From the Square to the Village." This theme signifies that while democracy awakens with the cries from the square, it truly blossoms in the village, the foundation of life. The Roh Moo-hyun Foundation estimated that around 25,000 citizens visited Bongha Village for the memorial. Attendees filled the seats at the special stage, while those unable to find a seat watched the service from around the stage. President Lee Jae-myung also attended the memorial service. This marked the first attendance by a sitting president since former President Moon Jae-in attended the eighth anniversary service in 2017. President Lee, who took office in June 2022, had previously attended the memorial as a presidential candidate on May 23 of the same year. President Lee entered the venue with First Lady Kim Hye-kyung, Kwon Yang-sook (Roh's wife), their son Geon-ho, and former President Moon Jae-in and his wife. This was the fifth consecutive year that former President Moon attended the memorial service since 2022. Numerous government and political figures were also present, including Prime Minister Kim Min-seok, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik, Democratic Party leader Jeong Cheong-rae, Justice Party leader Jo Guk, and Social Democratic Party leader Han Chang-min, all honoring the late president. The memorial service lasted about an hour, beginning with a national tribute, followed by the introduction of guests, remarks by Roh Moo-hyun Foundation Chairman Cha Seong-soo, a eulogy, a themed video, and a memorial performance. After the service, President Lee and other political figures visited Roh's gravesite to pay their respects. In his eulogy, President Lee stated, "A society where one can succeed without unfairness and privilege, where hard work is justly rewarded, and where both the capital region and local areas grow together—this is the vision for South Korea that the respected President Roh sought to create throughout his life. I assure you that the people's sovereign government will fulfill the dreams that the president could not achieve." He added, "Even if we sometimes pause or stumble, we will never step back. I will do everything in my power to make the president's dreams, which are our shared past and future, a reality."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:30:00
  • High-Stakes Race in Busans North District: Candidates Mobilize Big Names
    High-Stakes Race in Busan's North District: Candidates Mobilize Big Names Candidates for the Busan North Gap National Assembly by-election are mobilizing influential figures to attract voters as the official campaign kicks off this weekend. According to political sources, Hah Jung-woo, the Democratic Party candidate, will hold a joint campaign event at 5 p.m. on May 23 with Jeon Jae-soo, the party's candidate for Busan mayor, near the Gupo Market in North Busan. The North Gap district is considered a stronghold for the Democratic Party, as Jeon, who previously held the seat, resigned to run for mayor. The two candidates aim to consolidate their support base during this joint appearance. Park Min-sik, the People Power Party candidate, is focusing on uniting conservative voters by meeting with Na Kyung-won, a well-known five-term lawmaker. Na serves as the chair of Park's election campaign committee. The two are scheduled to hold a concentrated campaign event at 7 p.m. in the area around Deokcheon Station. Independent candidate Han Dong-hoon, who is closely trailing Hah, is targeting moderate conservatives by enlisting the support of Kim Hyun-chul, the son of the late former President Kim Young-sam and the chairman of the Kim Young-sam Foundation. Kim will officially announce his support for Han at a campaign office in Deokcheon-dong this afternoon, stating, "For the future of conservatism, Han's election is both the right path and the natural order." He emphasized Han's connection to his father, who served seven terms in the National Assembly, urging voters to rally behind Han, who he described as a candidate who embodies the spirit of YS (Young-sam).* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:27:00
  • Trump Administration Tightens U.S. Green Card Application Rules
    Trump Administration Tightens U.S. Green Card Application Rules The Trump administration has significantly tightened the procedures for applying for U.S. green cards, mandating that applicants generally submit their applications from their home countries. The previous practice of adjusting status while remaining in the U.S. will now only be allowed in exceptional circumstances. According to Yonhap News on May 23, the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) announced a new policy requiring foreign nationals to apply for green cards from outside the United States. Previously, foreign nationals in the U.S. on student, tourist, or work visas could adjust their status and apply for a green card based on marriage to a U.S. citizen or employment. However, under the new rules, unless there are special circumstances, applicants must return to their home country to apply through a local U.S. consulate. Citing the Washington Post, Yonhap reported that this measure is part of a hardline immigration policy aimed at preventing cases where individuals enter the U.S. on short-term visas and then remain long-term. USCIS spokesperson Jack Carler stated, "Individuals on non-immigrant visas, such as students, temporary workers, and tourists, are visiting the U.S. for specific short-term purposes. Their visit should not be the first step toward obtaining a green card." He added, "In the future, foreign nationals temporarily in the U.S. will need to return to their home countries to apply for a green card unless there are exceptional circumstances. This approach will help reduce issues related to illegal stays after status denials." The impact of this policy change is expected to be substantial. The New York Times reported that approximately 1.4 million people obtained green cards in the U.S. last year, with 820,000 of them adjusting their status while in the country. Under the new regulations, many of these individuals may need to return home to restart the application process. A significant concern is the potential for lengthy processing times for green card applications. Even if applicants have U.S. citizen spouses or family members, they may face months or years of waiting in their home countries, leading to prolonged separations from their families. The Wall Street Journal noted that appointments at U.S. consulates are already backlogged for months or even years, suggesting that the implementation of the new rules could exacerbate these delays. It also estimated that millions could be directly or indirectly affected by this policy change. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:25:28
  • Beijing Becomes a Hub of Global Diplomacy as Leaders Converge in May 2026
    Beijing Becomes a Hub of Global Diplomacy as Leaders Converge in May 2026 May 2026 in Beijing is not just about being the capital of China; it has transformed into a vast meeting room for global power dynamics and a strategic stage testing the direction of a new international order. In just a few days, U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin visited Beijing in succession. Leaders from major European nations, Middle Eastern countries, and Central Asian states are also strengthening their ties with China. The world is once again turning its attention to Beijing. This scene is more than a mere diplomatic event; it signals a shift in the global order that has persisted for centuries since the Industrial Revolution. Once, the center of the world was London, followed by New York and Washington, which became the hubs of finance, military, industry, and civilization. However, as we move toward the mid-21st century, the weight of the global economy and geopolitics is shifting back to Northeast Asia, the easternmost part of the Eurasian continent. At the center of this shift is China. It is now the world's largest manufacturing country and exporter, as well as one of the largest importers of crude oil. China's influence is rapidly expanding across various sectors, including electric vehicles, batteries, rare earths, solar energy, drones, and AI infrastructure. The reason world leaders are flocking to Beijing is simple: it has become impossible to address supply chain, energy, market, and investment issues without considering China. A key moment in Beijing's diplomacy this May was Putin's visit shortly after Trump's trip. The fact that the leaders of the two major military powers, the U.S. and Russia, visited China in quick succession symbolically illustrates the current changes in the international order. Chinese President Xi Jinping is employing a complex diplomatic strategy, managing relations with the U.S. while competing, and closely aligning with Russia without becoming dependent. While engaging in a power struggle with the U.S. over tariffs, semiconductors, AI dominance, and Taiwan, he seeks to avoid a complete economic rupture. With Russia, he is expanding cooperation in energy, finance, and security to counter the U.S.-centric order. This is the emergence of what is being called the 'New Beijing System.' The war in Ukraine has accelerated this trend. Russia, having lost a significant portion of its European market due to Western sanctions, is rapidly shifting toward dependence on China. Russian oil and gas are being directed to China in large quantities, and the share of transactions in yuan is increasing rapidly. Notably, the 'Power of Siberia' gas pipeline project is not just an energy initiative; it symbolizes the formation of a new economic axis between Russia and China within the Eurasian continent. However, this shift also reveals Russia's structural weaknesses. President Putin maintains the image of a strong leader, but the prolonged war in Ukraine is quickly depleting Russia's national power. Population decline, weakened industrial competitiveness, and international financial sanctions and technological blockades are gradually undermining the development of Russia's Far East. Regions like Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, and Sakhalin are becoming more closely aligned with the Northeast Asian economic sphere than with Europe. In contrast, China's influence continues to grow. Chinese capital, logistics, consumer markets, and manufacturing supply chains are permeating various parts of the Russian Far East. Even if nominally Russian territory, many areas are already functioning as part of the Northeast Asian supply chain. In effect, the Russian Far East is increasingly being absorbed into the periphery of the Northeast Asian economic sphere, rather than remaining a 'paper tiger' Russia. The situation is similar in the Middle East. Countries like Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE are now looking to China as their largest customer. While the U.S. still exerts military influence over the Middle Eastern order, China is establishing new influence through its vast purchasing power. Particularly, amid tensions with the U.S., Iran is increasing its dependence on China for oil sales. Russia finds itself in a similar situation, having fewer markets for oil and gas, ultimately relying on China as a massive consumer market. This represents a significant change. In the past, the U.S. controlled the global energy order with the dollar and aircraft carriers. Now, China is shaping geopolitics through its purchasing power. As the world's largest manufacturing country and consumer market, China has become a key player in the international order simply by being a major buyer of oil. This is where the strategic value of South Korea and Japan comes back into focus. The only countries capable of creating an economic and technological axis that can stand up to China in Northeast Asia are South Korea and Japan. Japan still possesses world-class technology in materials, components, and equipment, along with financial competitiveness. South Korea boasts strengths in semiconductors, batteries, AI servers, shipbuilding, cultural industries, and advanced manufacturing. If South Korea and Japan can strengthen strategic cooperation beyond historical conflicts, the situation could change. The U.S. strongly desires this, as it faces significant costs and burdens in countering China alone. If South Korea-Japan cooperation expands into supply chains, AI, aerospace, nuclear energy, defense, and bio-industries, there is ample potential for a new balance of power to emerge in Northeast Asia. The AI era presents new opportunities for South Korea and Japan. While China pushes ahead with scale and speed, South Korea and Japan can respond with ultra-precision technology, AI semiconductors, advanced manufacturing, and robotics. In a structure where the three Northeast Asian countries compete yet cooperate, the core stage of the world's advanced industries is increasingly shifting to the Pacific coast. This is not a coincidence. Before the Industrial Revolution, the center of the global economy was essentially Asia. China and India accounted for a significant portion of global GDP, and the Silk Road and maritime trade centered on Asia. However, after the British Industrial Revolution, global hegemony shifted to Europe and the U.S. Now, that direction is changing again. China is the world's largest manufacturing country. South Korea is the leading producer of high-quality semiconductor memory. Japan excels in precision manufacturing and robotics technology. Ultimately, the core axes of global industry, supply chains, AI, and semiconductors are converging back to the three Northeast Asian countries. History does not flow in a straight line; it circulates in cycles. The global hegemony that shifted to the West after the Industrial Revolution is now returning to the East. However, the reality is far from simple. The U.S. remains the world's strongest military and financial power. China dominates manufacturing, supply chains, and consumer markets. Russia, though weakened, is still a military power with nuclear weapons and resources, while Europe maintains a massive technology and financial market despite stagnation. In this context, South Korea can no longer survive solely through 'middle power diplomacy.' South Korea must now recognize itself as a strategic nation with strengths in semiconductors, AI, batteries, shipbuilding, nuclear energy, and cultural industries. At the same time, it should expand cooperation in supply chains, defense, energy, and cultural sectors with third strategic nations like India, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Turkey. India is poised to become the world's most populous country, Brazil is rich in resources and food, and Turkey serves as a geopolitical gateway connecting Europe, the Middle East, and Central Asia. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are pushing for new industrial transitions in AI, smart cities, hydrogen economies, and nuclear energy. The world is now moving beyond a simple U.S.-China bipolar system to a multipolar system, with Northeast Asia at its center. Seoul, Tokyo, and Beijing are likely to become the key stages for the future of the global economy, supply chains, and technological hegemony. May 2026 in Beijing was heated by this massive flow. And now the world is watching another potential scene: the possibility of President Xi Jinping visiting North Korea. Following the war in Ukraine, the closeness between North Korea and Russia is rapidly advancing, with discussions of military cooperation, arms trading, and technology exchanges. However, China will not allow North Korea to become too close to Russia. For China, North Korea is not just a neighboring country; it is a strategic buffer zone adjacent to the U.S. alliance network and a key axis of Chinese influence in the Northeast Asian order. Therefore, a future visit by President Xi to North Korea is likely to hold more significance than a mere friendly visit. It signals that China will not relinquish its leadership over the Korean Peninsula issue and may be a strategic move to draw the North Korean issue back into a China-centered order. Ultimately, all the scenes unfolding in Beijing converge on one question. What kind of order will the 21st century Asian era open under? And in this era of significant civilizational transformation, what kind of nation will South Korea become?* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:16:13
  • UN NPT Conference Fails to Reach Agreement on North Korea and Iran Nuclear Issues
    UN NPT Conference Fails to Reach Agreement on North Korea and Iran Nuclear Issues The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) review conference held at the United Nations headquarters in New York has ended without reaching a final agreement, primarily due to disagreements among member states over North Korea and Iran's nuclear issues. According to Yonhap News on May 23, the NPT review conference concluded its four-week schedule the previous day, aiming to adopt a document to strengthen the NPT framework. However, differences in positions between nuclear and non-nuclear states, along with conflicts surrounding North Korea and Iran's nuclear matters, prevented any consensus. This marks the third consecutive failure to adopt a final agreement at the NPT review conferences, following similar outcomes in 2015 and 2022. Concerns are growing over the prolonged stalemate in international nuclear disarmament discussions. The conference was held against a backdrop of deteriorating international relations, including heightened tensions between the U.S. and Iran and a deepening new Cold War. During the proceedings, the U.S. criticized Iran for violating its NPT obligations, while Iran retaliated by accusing the U.S. and Israel of violating international law through attacks on its nuclear facilities. While there was some agreement among member states on the need to adopt at least a lower-level amendment, they ultimately failed to overcome the differences in key issues. Notably, the final draft circulated during the conference reportedly omitted any references to concerns regarding North Korea's nuclear program and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula. The content related to Iran was limited to a vague expression that nuclear weapons should 'never' be developed. According to AFP, language urging the commencement of follow-up negotiations on the New START treaty, which expired in February without extension, was also removed from the draft. Kim Sang-jin, the Deputy Permanent Representative of South Korea to the UN, expressed deep regret during the closing meeting, stating, "It is disappointing that not a single line addressing the North Korean issue was included. The principle of complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula should have been reaffirmed." He emphasized that North Korea cannot hold nuclear weapons status under the NPT framework and that this issue must be resolved through negotiation and diplomacy. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-23 21:12:43