Journalist

Lee Jung-woo, Kim Yeon-jae
  • How a single remark exposed deeper fault lines in U.S.–South Korea relation
    How a single remark exposed deeper fault lines in U.S.–South Korea relation SEOUL, April 22 (AJP) - When South Korean Unification Minister Chung Dong-young told lawmakers in March that North Korea was operating uranium enrichment facilities in Yongbyon, Kangson and Kusong, he intended to highlight the growing sophistication of its nuclear program. Instead, his remarks triggered an intelligence dispute with Washington and a controversy within the highly divisive Korean society. At the heart of the dispute is Kusong, a location that Washington claims had never been officially acknowledged at such a high level. That is not to say it had not appeared in open-source analyses, according to Chung's defense. "This statement was based on publicly available sources, including reports by the Institute for Science and International Security and media reports," the minister said in a recent interview. "Framing this as a leak of classified information is deeply regrettable and raises questions about the motive." A ministry spokesperson followed up by stating that "no such information was provided by any foreign government." Despite these denials, U.S. concerns appear to center on perception rather than strict classification boundaries as intelligence-sharing relationships depend not only on what is disclosed, but also on how it is publicly framed. Victor Cha, Korea chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), pushed back directly against Chung’s justification. "We did not report on enrichment activities, which is the claim by the minister. We reported on high-explosive test triggers. Big difference," Cha wrote on X on Tuesday. "CSIS has never done a report on nuclear facilities at Kusong. Just setting the record straight." This distinction is significant. While earlier research pointed to possible high-explosives testing in Kusong — relevant to nuclear detonation mechanisms — it did not confirm uranium enrichment activities. For U.S. officials, conflating the two could imply a higher level of certainty than the intelligence supports. Analysts suggest that Washington's response reflects accumulated frustration over a range of issues rather than a single incident. "It is possible that accumulated dissatisfaction between South Korea and the United States over North Korea and foreign policy has surfaced through the minister's remarks," said Hwang Jin-tae, a professor of North Korean studies at Dongguk University. "The United States may suspect that sensitive information it collected was used as the basis for the statement." Recent flashpoints include South Korea's push for greater control over the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), debates over joint military exercises, and disagreements over communication regarding U.S. Forces Korea operations. The reported restriction of intelligence sharing underscores how sensitive the issue has become. "Reports say the United States has withheld 50 to 100 pages of North Korea-related intelligence per day for a week," People Power Party lawmaker Kim Gunn wrote on Facebook on Tuesday. "This is a serious issue that must be resolved quickly." "In foreign and security affairs, remarks by senior officials are not personal opinions," Kim said. "They are strategic messages. Especially on sensitive issues like North Korea's nuclear program, government messaging must be precise and fact-based." However, not everyone agrees with Washington's response. "There is no doubt that the existence of nuclear-related facilities in Kusong had already been widely known through academic papers and media reports," President Lee Jae Myung wrote on X on Monday in defense of his minister. The controversy has quickly become politicized in Seoul. Conservative lawmakers have accused Chung of undermining trust, while progressives argue he has been unfairly targeted. "Restricting information unilaterally when it is not classified violates the spirit of the alliance," said Yang Moo-jin, a professor at the University of North Korean Studies. "The Kusong uranium enrichment issue has already been disclosed publicly, so it is clearly not subject to protection." "Amplifying this issue domestically does not help the U.S.–South Korea alliance," he added. Beyond the political fallout lies the core concern that Pyongyang's nuclear program is expanding beyond known facilities. Historically, Kusong has been associated with high-explosives testing. Identifying it as a uranium enrichment site marks a significant escalation in official rhetoric — one that carries strategic implications for both intelligence assessment and diplomacy. Ultimately, the Kusong controversy is less about whether the information was technically classified and more about the fragile trust underpinning intelligence cooperation. Whether the two sides can manage these tensions without undermining cooperation remains an open question. 2026-04-22 17:46:55
  • S. Korea resumes public repatriation of Chinese war dead in sign of thaw
    S. Korea resumes public repatriation of Chinese war dead in sign of thaw SEOUL, April 22 (AJP) - South Korea on Tuesday repatriated the remains of Chinese soldiers killed in the 1950–53 Korean War, resuming a public handover ceremony for the first time in three years in a move seen as signaling a modest thaw in ties with Beijing. The Defense Ministry said the 13th transfer ceremony was held at Incheon International Airport, attended by Vice Defense Minister Lee Doo-hee and Xu Yao, vice minister of China’s Ministry of Veterans Affairs. The remains of 12 Chinese soldiers were returned, bringing the total repatriated since 2014 to 1,023. The ceremony included the signing of transfer documents, a Chinese memorial rite and the loading of the remains onto a military aircraft. China's state broadcaster CCTV said a delegation arrived in South Korea on April 19 and departed the same day with the remains aboard a Y-20B strategic transport aircraft. Seoul had conducted the past two handovers without public ceremonies. The restoration of a formal, vice-ministerial event under the administration of President Lee Jae Myung was viewed as a gesture of goodwill. "This handover ceremony has resumed as a public event for the first time in three years, reflecting the restoration of South Korea-China relations and the spirit of good-neighborly friendship," Lee Kwang-seok, director-general for international policy at the ministry, said. "We will continue to repatriate the remains of Chinese soldiers discovered in the future." The Korean War, which began on June 25, 1950, and ended with an armistice on July 27, 1953, drew in a U.S.-led United Nations Command supporting South Korea and Chinese forces backing North Korea, turning the peninsula into a major Cold War battleground. Sixteen countries sent combat troops under the UN flag. The United States deployed about 1.79 million personnel, the largest contingent, followed by the United Kingdom, Canada, Turkey, Australia and the Philippines. Others — including Thailand, the Netherlands, Colombia, Greece, New Zealand, Ethiopia, France, Belgium, South Africa and Luxembourg — also contributed forces, while several countries provided medical and humanitarian support. China entered the war in October 1950 through the People's Volunteer Army. Chinese military deaths are estimated at between 180,000 and 400,000, though figures vary. The conflict remains one of the deadliest since World War II, with total casualties — including civilians — estimated at up to 4 million, about 70 percent of them civilians. Seoul said it will continue to return the remains of Chinese soldiers found on its soil in line with humanitarian principles and international law. 2026-04-22 14:32:02
  • Koreas pump prices rise faster than Japan and US
    Korea's pump prices rise faster than Japan and US SEOUL, April 22 (AJP) - Kuwait’s declaration of force majeure on crude exports is adding to supply concerns at a time when South Korea’s fuel prices are already rising sharply, amplifying the impact of the prolonged Middle East conflict. State-run Kuwait Petroleum Corp. last Friday notified buyers that it would maintain contractual force majeure for an extended period, citing damage to infrastructure and the time needed to restore full operations. South Korea relied on Kuwait for 8.7 percent of its crude imports last year. With the Strait of Hormuz effectively closed for nearly two months, Seoul has been forced to turn to longer shipping routes to secure additional volumes from other Gulf producers such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Unlike the two, Kuwait relies entirely on the crippled waterway to ship out its energy. The strain is already visible at the pump. Gasoline prices have climbed above 2,000 won per liter, with the national average reaching 2,003.17 won as of Tuesday, while diesel stood at 1,996.76 won, rising 18.4 percent and 25.0 percent, respectively, from Feb. 27, before the conflict escalated, according to the Ministry of Trade, Industry, and Resources Wednesday. Neighboring Japan has kept gasoline prices in the 1,500 won range — 1,527 won as of April 19 — through sustained government subsidies, limiting increases to single digits over the same period. Korea’s prices are 23.8 percent higher than Japan’s for gasoline and 28.3 percent higher for diesel. “While Korea has implemented a price ceiling, our rate of increase is more than double that of Japan,” Yang Ki-wook, deputy minister for industrial resource security, admitted at a briefing of the government’s Middle East response task force. “Japan appears to be continuing to inject substantial subsidies.” The United States presents a more mixed pattern. Gasoline prices stood at 1,586 won per liter as of April 20, about 20.8 percent below Korea’s level, while diesel was higher at 2,170 won, reflecting stronger freight demand and refining margins. The comparison comes as Seoul faces mounting calls to more aggressively curb prices through fiscal measures. Officials maintain that Korea is focused on managing the pace of increases — through a combination of price ceilings and fuel tax adjustments — rather than directly subsidizing retail prices. "With wide variations in price levels and increases across countries, whether Korea is excessively suppressing prices should be assessed in comparison with other cases,” Yang said. Korean refiners have been diversifying import sources to secure replacement volumes, but dependence on the Middle East continues to constrain flexibility. Four of Korea’s top five crude suppliers — excluding the United States — are located in the region, leaving supply exposed if disruptions persist. The pressure is also spilling into industrial supply chains. Concerns over ethylene gas — a key input derived from naphtha and used in shipbuilding — have prompted emergency coordination between the government and industry. HD Hyundai has begun producing and supplying ethylene through its affiliate HD Hyundai Chemical, shipping around 2,000 tons from the Daesan petrochemical complex to shipyards near Ulsan. About 200 tons will be allocated to smaller shipbuilders. “We will continue to expand public-private cooperation to prevent production disruptions amid supply chain instability,” Yang said. 2026-04-22 11:30:14
  • Police seek arrest warrant for HYBE Chairman Bang Si-hyuk over alleged IPO fraud
    Police seek arrest warrant for HYBE Chairman Bang Si-hyuk over alleged IPO fraud SEOUL, April 21 (AJP) - South Korean police have applied for an arrest warrant for Bang Si-hyuk, chairman of BTS agency HYBE, on allegations that he misled investors ahead of the company’s initial public offering (IPO), authorities said Tuesday. The Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency’s Financial Crimes Investigation Unit said it requested the warrant from the Seoul Southern District Prosecutors’ Office on charges under the Capital Markets Act. The move comes about 16 months after police launched their investigation. Police allege that in 2019, Bang Si-hyuk falsely told investors there were no plans to list HYBE, then known as Big Hit Entertainment, encouraging them to sell their shares to a private equity fund linked to him. The company later went public, with Bang reportedly securing 190 billion won ($130 million) through a prior agreement to receive 30 percent of the fund’s post-listing profits. Under South Korea’s Capital Markets Act, obtaining financial gains through deceptive practices related to financial investment products is prohibited. Violations involving profits exceeding 5 billion won can result in life imprisonment or a minimum of five years in prison. Police began an internal probe in late 2024 before expanding it into a formal investigation in mid-2025, which included raids on the Korea Exchange and HYBE headquarters. Bang was questioned five times between September and November last year, and authorities also froze 156.8 billion won worth of his shares. The investigation drew criticism for its pace after police took no apparent action for more than five months, citing legal reviews. The case also sparked controversy when the U.S. Embassy in Seoul reportedly sent a letter requesting that a travel ban be lifted to allow Bang to attend BTS-related events abroad. Bang has denied any wrongdoing, maintaining that all legal and regulatory requirements were followed during HYBE’s listing. In a statement released through his legal team Tuesday, he said it was “regrettable” that an arrest warrant had been sought despite his cooperation and pledged to “faithfully explain his position in future legal proceedings.” Prosecutors will now decide whether to formally request the warrant from the court. If they do, a hearing to review the warrant typically takes place within two to three days. The development places Bang, HYBE’s largest shareholder and key decision-maker, at a critical juncture as the company closely monitors the outcome. HYBE shares fell 2.35 percent to close at 249,000 won on Tuesday following news of the warrant request. 2026-04-21 16:31:59
  • Fight Club goes digital in Korea, dragging teenage violence into the spotlight
    "Fight Club" goes digital in Korea, dragging teenage violence into the spotlight SEOUL, April 21 (AJP) - In the 1999 American cult classic Fight Club, members of an underground brawling group follow one defining rule: never talk about it. In today’s viral digital landscape in South Korea, violence is no longer hidden — it is performed, filmed and monetized in plain sight. Across YouTube, Telegram and livestreaming platforms, a burgeoning genre of “fight content” is blurring the line between sport and exploitation, drawing millions of viewers and echoing the voyeuristic brutality of the Netflix hit Squid Game. A video titled “Real Fight Among Guys in Their 20s Working Construction #Yacharule,” which has racked up over 12 million views, shows two shirtless men trading punches, surrounded by roughly ten onlookers. Someone films the scene. At the call of “Fight!”, the two exchange punches before quickly grappling on the ground. One man, pinned underneath, takes a direct blow to the nose. Blood pours over his face and chest. He loses. The winner beams at the camera: “I’m not trying to brag, but I’ve never even trained at a gym.” Channels like this follow the so-called “Yacha Rule,” a format of semi-staged or raw combat named after the Yaksha — a predatory spirit in Buddhist mythology. Unlike regulated MMA or boxing, Yacha fights operate in a legal and safety vacuum. With minimal protection and few rules beyond banning eye-gouging, their appeal lies in a curated sense of visceral “authenticity.” The scale is already significant. One YouTube channel dedicated to such content has amassed more than 180 million cumulative views, while short clips routinely draw millions. A single one-minute video recently surpassed 4.4 million views, translating into substantial advertising revenue under standard monetization models. What began with trained or semi-trained participants is now spilling into everyday life. Some creators stage retaliatory fights under the banner of “teaching a lesson,” livestreaming confrontations against perceived wrongdoers. More troubling is its seepage into youth culture. A Telegram channel reportedly purchased and distributed footage of real assaults involving minors, paying informants between 5,000 and 50,000 won ($3.4 to $34) depending on severity. With roughly 1,000 uploaded clips and thousands of subscribers, many videos show victims bleeding or losing consciousness — erasing any meaningful line between documentation and exploitation. Viewers are not passive. They comment, cheer and engage, while advertisements — including gambling — appear alongside the clips, pointing to a broader monetization ecosystem built on violence. “Humans are neurologically attuned to threat and conflict,” said Rosie Dutt, a professor of psychology and neuroscience at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. “Violent or high-stakes stimuli capture attention more quickly and hold it longer than neutral content,” activating both fear-processing systems and reward pathways. This creates what researchers describe as a “safe danger” experience — intense yet detached. Social learning compounds the effect. Drawing on Albert Bandura’s theory, observing behavior that appears structured or rewarded can normalize it. When fights are framed as consensual or rule-based, viewers may disengage morally, perceiving the violence as legitimate rather than harmful. Over time, repeated exposure may not directly increase violent behavior, but it can dull emotional responses and normalize aggression. The digital environment amplifies this dynamic. Online anonymity reduces accountability, encouraging engagement with extreme content — a phenomenon widely known as the online disinhibition effect. Yet the legal reality is far less ambiguous. “The presence of consent does not automatically eliminate criminal liability,” said Sung Joong Tak, a law professor at Kyungpook National University. Courts have consistently held that consent is invalid when it violates social norms, particularly in unregulated and high-risk physical confrontations. Under South Korean law, causing bodily harm is punishable by imprisonment or fines, and prosecution does not hinge on whether the victim presses charges. Even if participants agree beforehand — or reconcile afterward — legal responsibility remains. The implications extend beyond participants. Organizers, promoters and those filming or distributing the content may face charges for aiding and abetting violence. If betting is involved, gambling laws apply; if minors are exposed, youth protection statutes come into force. What appears to be a consensual “sport” can quickly trigger a cascade of criminal violations. The broader shift is cultural. Violence has long been part of entertainment — from ancient gladiator arenas to modern action films. But the Yacha Rule signals something different: the erosion of distance between performer and audience, fiction and reality. In Squid Game, participants enter deadly contests while unseen spectators consume their suffering as spectacle. In today’s digital ecosystem, the audience is no longer unseen — it is active, engaged and central to the system. For regulators, the challenge is acute: balancing freedom of expression with the need to curb harmful content. Enforcement is equally complex, particularly when distribution spans encrypted platforms and decentralized networks. 2026-04-21 15:26:05
  • Asian stocks close higher amid cautious optimism over possible fresh US-Iran talks
    Asian stocks close higher amid cautious optimism over possible fresh US-Iran talks SEOUL, April 20 (AJP) - Asian stock markets closed higher on Monday as investors bet on optimism ahead of another round of ceasefire negotiations between the U.S. and Iran, lifting overall market sentiment despite lingering tensions in the Middle East. Despite conflicting reports of impending talks in Islamabad, Pakistan, with Iran denying any plans to negotiate, the benchmark KOSPI in Seoul gained 0.44 percent to close at 6,219.09, while the tech-heavy KOSDAQ rose 0.41 percent to finish at 1,174.85. Samsung Electronics fell 0.69 percent to close at 214,500 won, while SK Hynix jumped 3.37 percent to 1,166,000 won. LG Energy Solution climbed 2.63 percent to 429,000 won, and Doosan Enerbility rose 2.30 percent to 111,000 won. HD Hyundai Heavy Industries added 1.95 percent to 524,000 won. Samsung SDI surged 4.87 percent to 538,000 won after signing a multi-year agreement with Mercedes-Benz to supply batteries for next-generation electric vehicles. But auto-related shares declined, with Hyundai Motor falling 2.04 percent to 527,000 won and Kia dropping 1.13 percent to 157,400 won. Entertainment stocks all moved lower. HYBE fell 2.86 percent to 255,000 won, JYP Entertainment declined 1.42 percent to 62,300 won, SM Entertainment slipped 1.80 percent to 93,000 won, and YG Entertainment dropped 2.68 percent to 54,400 won. In Tokyo, the Nikkei 225 rose 0.60 percent to close at 58,824.89, while China's Shanghai Composite gained 0.76 percent to end at 4,082.13. 2026-04-20 17:26:34
  • S. Korea hits the accelerator on nuclear pivot after Hormuz lesson
    S. Korea hits the accelerator on nuclear pivot after Hormuz lesson SEOUL, April 20 (AJP) - Nuclear energy has become hot. It already was due to the exponential demand for electricity to power hyperscalers to train and deploy artificial intelligence. But it has got even hotter due to the Gulf war crisis. South Korea is the world’s fifth-largest energy importer by value and one of the four largest importers of LNG globally, regularly purchasing around 40 million tonnes per year. With virtually no domestic fossil fuel reserves, the country imports nearly 95% of its primary energy needs — a structural vulnerability that has driven decades of debate about energy security. Electricity demand has grown relentlessly to around 600 terawatt-hours annually, powered by energy-intensive industries from semiconductors to shipbuilding, making decarbonization both urgent and structurally difficult. Fuel self-sufficiency has become national priority after the Gulf war that disrupted the core waterway along the Iran coast responsible for one fifth of the world's oil and gas shipments, accelerating U-turn in states that chose phase-out over safety issue since the Fukushima meltdown from Germany to South Korea and Japan. For South Korea, heavily exposed to Gulf supply routes and entirely dependent on energy imports, the takeaway has been immediate: energy security cannot be left to geography. Under President Lee Jae Myung, that realization is translating into policy. The administration is moving toward renewed nuclear expansion as the phase-out trajectory of the Moon Jae-in era is effectively being overruled by necessity. “Nuclear, SMRs, and next-generation technologies must be accelerated alongside energy diversification and industrial transformation,” Lee said in an April 7 senior secretariat meeting, signaling that nuclear is no longer a transitional option but a core pillar of future growth. Nuclear currently supplies roughly one-third of South Korea’s electricity, anchoring an economy built on semiconductors, petrochemicals and advanced manufacturing, while demand is accelerating beyond legacy assumptions, powered by AI infrastructure and electrification. Renewables, contributing just over 10 percent, remain constrained by intermittency and land use, while LNG — accounting for roughly a quarter of supply — is increasingly vulnerable to shipping disruptions. In that equation, nuclear stands out as the only large-scale, low-carbon baseload energy source that can be generated domestically. In March 2026, Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power confirmed that four local governments — Ulju, Yeongdeok, Gyeongju and Gijang — submitted bids to host new nuclear facilities, including both large-scale reactors and the country’s first small modular reactor (SMR), with timelines extending into the late 2030s. A global reversal, not a local exception South Korea’s pivot is part of a broader, if understated, global reversal. In the aftermath of Fukushima, countries across Europe and Asia embraced nuclear phase-out policies. Today, many are retracing their steps. In Germany, debate has reopened over restarting recently shuttered reactors as energy costs rise. Italy is preparing for reintroduction after decades without nuclear power, while Switzerland has moved to lift restrictions on new construction. In Asia, Taiwan—once committed to a nuclear-free future—has begun steps toward restarting reactors to support its semiconductor-driven economy. Even the European Commission has acknowledged that sidelining nuclear may have been a strategic miscalculation, reflecting a broader recognition that decarbonization without baseload stability is incomplete. The driver is no longer just climate policy. It is geopolitics. The Gulf crisis has underscored how concentrated global energy risk has become. A handful of chokepoints — led by the Strait of Hormuz — can disrupt supply chains on which entire economies depend. Nuclear power offers insulation from that volatility. Once fueled, reactors can operate for extended periods without continuous imports. But that insulation comes with a paradox. South Korea imports 100 percent of its uranium and remains constrained under its nuclear cooperation framework with the United States, limiting enrichment and reprocessing. This creates a new layer of dependency—less visible than oil tankers, but equally strategic. As next-generation reactors such as SMRs move toward commercialization, that constraint is becoming more binding. Advanced designs increasingly rely on fuels such as high-assay low-enriched uranium (HALEU), requiring more complex enrichment capabilities and tighter supply chains. Seoul is now pushing to expand its role within that fuel cycle, with Washington signaling conditional openness under the existing bilateral framework, often referred to as the “123 Agreement.” What is emerging is not just a reactor buildout, but a negotiation over nuclear sovereignty. A key feature of South Korea’s strategy is its emphasis on SMRs. Smaller, modular and faster to deploy, they offer flexibility in siting and scalability for a grid increasingly shaped by decentralized, high-density demand such as data centers. More importantly, they represent an industrial opportunity. The United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and Japan are all investing heavily in next-generation reactors. South Korea, with its established reactor fleet and export track record, is positioning itself not only to deploy but to compete. Nuclear, in this sense, is becoming industrial policy. 2026-04-20 16:48:06
  • South Koreas prosecutorial overhaul enters uncharted territory
    South Korea's prosecutorial overhaul enters uncharted territory SEOUL, April 17 (AJP) - The fall of prosecutor-turned-president Yoon Suk Yeol did not end an epic downfall for a leader, but also the institution he had once represented. The prosecution has already lost much of its once-mighty power to the police and the Corruption Investigation for High-ranking Officials, with another agency pending, leaving it a near-defunct institution. The dramatic downsizing is creating a severe bottleneck, turning what was once a sought-after post into a grind. At the Cheonan branch of the Daejeon District Prosecutors’ Office, the numbers tell the story. Each prosecutor is now responsible for more than 500 unresolved cases. "It's not something you can control with long hours anymore," one prosecutor said. "At 400 or 500 cases, the system is essentially in a state of panic." Nationwide, the average caseload per prosecutor rose from 73.4 at the end of 2024 to 135.7 by late 2025. Unresolved cases — defined as those not processed within three months — have surged. In Namyangju, caseload per prosecutor jumped from 169.6 to 295.2 within a year, with similar spikes in Jinju and elsewhere. As workloads mount, prosecutors are increasingly unable to process cases before statutes of limitations expire, forcing closures without prosecution — directly affecting victims and undermining confidence in the system. The Supreme Prosecutors' Office has urged prioritization of long-pending cases. Exodus of experience Driving the surge is a sharp reduction in manpower. Between last year and March, 233 prosecutors — more than 10 percent of the total — left the service, including 151 with more than 15 years of experience. A record number have taken leave, while dozens have been seconded to special investigations. At Cheonan, only 17 prosecutors remain out of an authorized 35, with roughly half in their second or third year. "Work overload is pushing people to their limits," said Cho Bae-sook, a lawmaker on the National Assembly's Legislation and Judiciary Committee. She warned that delays are leading to more expired prosecutions, calling the situation "a judicial bankruptcy" in which the state's ability to impose criminal punishment is eroding. The reform that changes everything In March, the National Assembly passed landmark legislation that will effectively dismantle the traditional prosecution service. A new entity — the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency — is to take over core functions, while prosecutors will, in principle, no longer conduct investigations. That authority will shift primarily to the police and the new agency. The reforms also eliminate prosecutors' authority to direct and supervise certain investigative bodies, marking a decisive break from past practice. The changes are scheduled to take effect later this year. Efforts to curb prosecutorial power are not new. Since the early 1990s, critics have questioned political neutrality and the concentration of authority. "Prosecutors' ability to both investigate and decide whether to indict creates efficiency," a senior incumbent prosecutor said. "But it also carries risk." Supporters argue separating investigative and prosecutorial functions is essential. "The belief that prosecutors investigate better than police is an illusion," said Kim Kee-Chang, a professor at Korea University Law School. "What prosecutors are good at is not investigation, but planning, building narratives and shaping cases." He also criticized pretrial disclosures. "In a system where prosecutors publicly declare someone guilty before trial, one has to ask what role remains for the judiciary," he said. Opponents argue the reforms are moving too quickly. Shin Dong-wook, a lawmaker on the same committee, described the overhaul as a "rough and ideological dismantling" of the prosecution service. He warned that without safeguards such as supplementary investigative authority, enforcement capacity could weaken. "If these systems are not properly designed," he said, "the result could be a country where criminals operate with greater impunity." At the heart of the reform is whether the police can absorb expanded investigative responsibilities. "That police conduct investigations is the standard model in modern states," Kim said, while acknowledging the need for stronger oversight and institutional safeguards. Inside the prosecution service, the mood is subdued. "People feel they have little room to speak," a senior prosecutor said. The system is now undergoing simultaneous shifts in structure, staffing and workload, placing it in a transitional phase where capacity and institutional design are being tested in parallel. 2026-04-17 17:50:57
  • Seasoned economic expert tapped as South Koreas new ambassador to UK
    Seasoned economic expert tapped as South Korea's new ambassador to UK SEOUL, April 17 (AJP) - Kim Heung-chong, the former head of a state-run think tank was tapped as South Korea's new ambassador to the U.K., the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on Friday. Kim, who headed the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) from 2020 to 2023, also served as an adviser in South Korea's negotiations on a free trade agreement with the European Union (EU) and sat on committees under various ministries including the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy. The veteran economist is seen as a suitable fit to support President Lee Jae Myung's "pragmatic" diplomacy and economic policies focused on pursuing national interests, given his long career advising the government on trade and economic policy. His appointment also appears to reflect his close involvement with the Lee administration, as he assisted the then presidential candidate of the Democratic Party (DP) during his campaign last year. Kim also co-authored Lee's book on "inclusive innovative growth" with a group of economic experts, published in March last year, just months ahead of a snap election following the ouster of disgraced former President Yoon Suk Yeol over his botched declaration of martial law the previous year. 2026-04-17 11:23:46
  • Sewol families still trapped in that day 12 years ago as closure never arrives
    Sewol families still trapped in that day 12 years ago as closure never arrives SEOUL, April 16 (AJP) - The familiar ache — the rage, the self-hate, the gut-wrenching grief, and finally the emptiness — returns every April. It is, for Choi Soon-hwa, the cruelest month. Each night in the days leading up to April 16, she returns to that day, now twelve years ago. “Why did so many people have to die? Why weren’t they saved? Why didn’t anyone tell them to come out, to jump, to escape?” For twelve years, these questions have never left her. In mental health, closure is not a luxury. Without it, the mind circles back — replaying the past in endless variations of what if. The questions remain unanswered, and the past does not settle into memory. It continues to intrude, reshaping the present. For Choi, and for many of the families, closure has remained out of reach. She is the mother of Lee Chang-hyun, a second-year student at Danwon High School in Ansan, one of the 250 students and 14 teachers who never returned from what was meant to be a long-awaited school trip to Jeju Island. The night before, her son left for the trip. For once, there was no struggle to wake him, no need to rush him out the door. She turned off her phone and went to bed, expecting something rare — rest. Then came the call. A pastor asking for her husband. A ferry was sinking. At first, it did not feel real. It was daytime. The waters off Jindo were not distant. The ship was large, visible, close to shore. There were hundreds on board. “I thought they would be saved,” she recalls. Inside the ferry, Chang-hyun tried to call his mother. The call never connected. Only later, through phone forensics, did she learn he had reached out. Instead, a message remained — sent to a friend. “Hey, the ship is sinking right now. If I die, will you come to my funeral?” “If the call had gone through… if anyone had answered… if someone could have comforted those children, even a little, when they must have been so afraid and alone…” Her voice fades. It is a regret that does not disappear with time. It changes shape, but it remains. Chang-hyun was, as she describes him, a boy who loved his friends more than anything. He chose his high school simply to stay with them. He spent his days with classmates, drifting between school, internet cafés, and the familiar rhythms of adolescence. More often than not, she let him be. Then something began to change. A teacher, Lee Hae-bong, entered his life in his second year. Chang-hyun began to think about studying, about his future, about the shape of his life. He wrote it down — his twenties, thirties, forties — a quiet plan stretching forward. His dream was simple - to run a bean sprout soup restaurant, a place like the one he frequented with friends, where meals were inexpensive and portions generous. After he was gone, his mother found that note in his room. The room remained as it was. His belongings stayed in place. Only later, when she returned home after the funeral, did the silence settle in. The absence became real. A never-ending replay For hours after the ferry began to sink, part of it remained visible above the water — a tilted silhouette. There were rumors of air pockets. Reports suggested that survivors might still be inside. Hope lingered, even as time passed.Then the ship slipped beneath the surface. Chang-hyun’s body was found the next night, about 100 meters from the ferry. There were no proper procedures. Bodies were placed in black bags and delivered without ceremony. The funeral passed in a blur. People came from across the country. The scale of the tragedy overwhelmed the intimacy of grief. The question that took root that day has never left her. Why was nothing done? Why were they not told to escape? Why were they not saved? Twelve years have passed. Investigations have come and gone. Committees have issued findings that satisfied no one. Accountability remains contested. For the families, the sense that the truth has not been fully uncovered persists. Families fractured under the weight of grief. Siblings, often overlooked, carried their own burdens. Many withdrew from public attention, wary of scrutiny and hostility. “After 2014, my children didn’t want us to speak publicly,” Choi says. “There was too much criticism directed at Sewol families.” Her children are still in therapy. “For siblings and surviving students, trauma can deepen over time,” she says. “And the parents — we’ve spent twelve years out on the streets, fighting. We haven’t taken care of our own bodies.” Support systems exist, but they remain limited — bound by timelines that do not reflect the enduring nature of loss. Under current law, medical support is set to expire in April 2029. Choi points to the United States, where victims of the September 11 attacks have been tracked through long-term studies for decades. She is also calling for the passage of a comprehensive life safety law — one that would establish a permanent support system and train professional responders. At present, support depends on individual special laws. After several years, assistance fades. And then, another disaster follows. Jecheon. Itaewon. Osong. Hwaseong. Muan. After Itaewon, she says, the realization was devastating. “It was exactly the same. Nothing had changed.” Memory, too, has become uncertain ground. Temporary memorials have been moved. Permanent spaces remain incomplete. Even remembrance has, at times, felt provisional. And yet, some continue. Some write poems for each child’s birthday. Some return to classrooms where desks remain as they were. The Sewol tragedy did not end that day. For the families, it continues — in unanswered questions, in unresolved responsibility, in the absence of closure. Closure is not about forgetting. It is not about moving on. It is about being able to hold the past in a form that can be endured. What the families want is not something large: answers to their questions, a process of understanding, a way to live with what happened. So that one day, they might remember their children without being pulled back into that day. So that grief, finally, can come to rest. 2026-04-16 17:59:06