Journalist

AJP
  • Pentagon Nominates Maj. Gen. David G. Shoemaker as USFK Deputy Commander
    Pentagon Nominates Maj. Gen. David G. Shoemaker as USFK Deputy Commander The U.S. Defense Department has nominated Air Force Maj. Gen. David G. Shoemaker to serve as deputy commander of U.S. Forces Korea. In an announcement made May 5 local time, the Pentagon said Shoemaker would be promoted to lieutenant general and, if confirmed, would also take on the air component command roles for the U.N. Command and the South Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command, as well as command of the 7th Air Force. Shoemaker is currently deputy commander of the 9th Air Force (Air Forces Central). According to his official Air Force biography, he oversees command and control of air operations and the development and execution of contingency plans in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility. He has previously served in South Korea. From 2005 to 2006, Shoemaker was responsible for standardization and evaluation at the 8th Operations Group at Kunsan Air Base. From 2017 to 2018, he commanded the 8th Fighter Wing at Kunsan. The post is currently held by Lt. Gen. David R. Iverson, who concurrently serves as USFK deputy commander, air component commander for the U.N. Command and the Combined Forces Command, and commander of the 7th Air Force. The nomination has been announced, but Senate confirmation is still required.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:29:19
  • South Korea to Expand Compensation to Independence Activists’ Descendants
    South Korea to Expand Compensation to Independence Activists’ Descendants “This revision reflects a strong commitment for the state to take responsibility to the end for the descendants of independence patriots who, because of the system’s limits over the past 53 years, have been left outside the scope of proper recognition,” said Kwon O-eul, minister of Patriots and Veterans Affairs. Kwon made the remarks as he explained the significance of a revision to the Act on the Honorable Treatment of Independence Patriots, approved Tuesday at a Cabinet meeting, that expands compensation eligibility for descendants of independence patriots. The revision is expected to be promulgated in May and take effect Jan. 1, 2027. About 2,300 additional descendants are expected to newly receive compensation payments. Under the system in place since 1973, compensation has been paid to a patriot’s spouse and children. If the patriot died before Korea’s liberation, compensation could also be paid to one grandchild. As a result, grandchildren of patriots who died after liberation were excluded, creating unequal eligibility based on the date of death. Under the revised law, that difference will be eliminated, and grandchildren will be eligible for compensation regardless of when the patriot died. Separately, when a patriot’s child dies without receiving compensation, payments have been made to one closest direct descendant. But for patriots recognized in recent years, compensation has often ended with a single generation of survivors, prompting criticism that the state was not meeting its responsibility. The revision also expands the definition of eligible survivors so that even when the first recipient is a direct descendant at the grandchild level or below, one child of that recipient will also be included, ensuring at least two generations can receive compensation. “The government will continue to do its utmost so that the descendants of independence patriots who sacrificed and devoted themselves for the nation’s independence can live with pride and honor,” Kwon said. The ministry also said it is cooperating on efforts to re-enact a Justice Ministry law, the Special Act on the State Vesting of Property of Pro-Japanese Collaborators, to expand honor and support programs for independence patriots and their descendants through active recovery and sale of pro-Japanese assets. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:28:21
  • Special Counsel Team Inspects Yeonpyeong Island Military Sites Cited in Noh Sang-won Notebook
    Special Counsel Team Inspects Yeonpyeong Island Military Sites Cited in Noh Sang-won Notebook A second comprehensive special counsel team investigating allegations of prior planning for the Dec. 3 martial law declaration began an on-site inspection of military facilities on Yeonpyeong Island to verify locations tied to alleged roundup and detention plans written in the so-called “Noh Sang-won notebook.” The special counsel team said it was conducting the inspection Tuesday at military sites on Yeonpyeong Island. Investigators are focusing on whether notes in the notebook referring to a “collection point” match actual facilities. They are also examining whether the sites have structures that could be used as detention facilities, according to reports. Assistant Special Counsel Kim Chi-heon told reporters Monday that the team had obtained and would execute a warrant to verify locations linked to the notebook. “The special counsel, the assistant special counsel and the investigative team will go together,” he said. Kim said the team first sought and received warrants from a judge in connection with what was written in the notebook. He declined to identify the inspection targets, citing security, but said there are existing facilities that could be seen as having enough space to be used for detention. The inspection is part of the special counsel’s broader effort to corroborate the notebook’s authenticity and how it was written. The team is also reviewing indications that the Defense Counterintelligence Command prepared for martial law from the first half of 2024, including site visits to military facilities and plans for troop operations. The notebook, kept by former Defense Intelligence Command chief Noh Sang-won, is reported to list prominent politicians, judges and civil society figures as “targets for roundup,” and to include terms such as “collection point,” “follow-up measures” and “discarded after use.” Some media outlets have reported suspicions that facilities on Yeonpyeong Island and in the Hwacheon area of Gangwon Province are connected to the locations described in the notebook. Aju Economy previously reported, citing a tip, that Noh also considered ways to eliminate agents deployed in a martial law operation, along with allegations tied to the “discarded after use” memo and the use of special operatives. The special counsel team has also reportedly secured statements during recent questioning that, shortly before martial law, a military intelligence unit checked the Yeonpyeong Island facility in advance. However, in February, the first-trial court in former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s case on charges of being the ringleader of an insurrection said it was difficult to determine when the notebook was written and that some parts do not match actual facts, limiting its evidentiary value. The special counsel team said it will continue to determine whether the notebook is connected to actual martial law preparations through the on-site inspection and additional witness statements.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:27:06
  • Samsung Electronics Bonus Dispute Raises Broader Questions on Labor and Long-Term Strategy
    Samsung Electronics Bonus Dispute Raises Broader Questions on Labor and Long-Term Strategy Samsung Electronics’ fight over performance bonuses has moved beyond a routine pay dispute. The union is demanding bonuses equal to 15% of operating profit and has warned of a prolonged strike. The company counters that, given the nature of the semiconductor industry, production disruptions could send shock waves through the broader national economy. On the surface, it is about money. But the dispute is also touching questions about the future of Korean industry, the direction of labor relations and what a company is meant to be. Two comments have drawn attention. One expert described the company as a “community for long-term prosperity.” Another warned that “a strike could have a serious impact on the national economy.” They were made by Shin Jang-seob, a professor at the National University of Singapore, and Shin Je-yoon, chairman of Samsung Electronics’ board. The wording differed, but both framed Samsung as more than a single company — either a community or a pillar of the national economy. Samsung employees’ frustration is also easy to understand. Semiconductors are a high-pressure, intensely competitive business. Technology cycles have accelerated and workloads have grown heavier. As competition in AI chips intensifies, the fight with Nvidia, TSMC and SK hynix has taken on the feel of a war. When the company posts record-level profits, employees naturally ask: “Who created these results?” That question underpins the union’s argument: If workers produced the performance, they should share more of the gains. In South Korea, the idea of “sharing performance” has increasingly mattered as much as base pay, with a sharper focus on why employee rewards appear limited when a company grows rapidly. SK hynix has become a powerful point of comparison. After rising quickly in the high-bandwidth memory, or HBM, market, SK hynix drew attention for an aggressive performance-reward system, fueling complaints among Samsung employees about why they cannot receive similar treatment. Shin Jang-seob, however, argued that a simple comparison is risky. In an interview with the JoongAng Ilbo, he said Samsung is a diversified company spanning foundry, system semiconductors, mobile devices and home appliances, unlike SK hynix’s memory-centered structure. His point was that bonus debates should be weighed alongside corporate structure and long-term strategy. He used the phrase “community for long-term prosperity,” emphasizing that a company is not an organization that earns money one year and immediately distributes it. It must survive over time, which requires continued investment. Semiconductors are capital-intensive: Building a single plant can cost tens of trillions of won, and missing an investment window can quickly erode market position. Samsung’s semiconductor strength was not built overnight. Shin said sustained investment and research and development since the 2010s helped produce today’s results. In that view, current profits reflect not only today’s workforce but also past investment and the capacity for future investment. He said compensation should be considered in two parts: rewards for past performance, which can rise with strong results, and rewards aimed at future performance, which he said should be approached more like investment than simple cash payouts. As an alternative, he pointed to RSUs — restricted stock units — as a long-term equity incentive. If employees receive shares they cannot sell for a set period, they may focus more on the company’s long-term value. Shin said restrictions of at least five years are needed. Critics respond that workers do not control management and should not be forced to shoulder the risk of management failure. Rank-and-file employees have little say over large investments or strategic direction, yet broader use of long-term stock compensation could expose them to share-price declines driven by executive decisions or an economic downturn. Stock options are common in Silicon Valley, but that model rests on high base pay, freer job mobility and a strong capital-market culture. South Korea still has limited structures for worker participation, making it difficult to justify risk-sharing solely with appeals to a “long-term community.” Still, Shin’s underlying concern is not simply shifting risk to workers. It is closer to a warning that a system in which labor and capital are completely separated may not be sustainable. In South Korea, calls to “share” profits are common when earnings rise, but when losses occur, shareholders typically bear the final burden. When Samsung’s results fell sharply during a semiconductor downturn, employee wages were not cut drastically and suppliers were not asked to return payments. The stock price, however, dropped, and shareholders absorbed the losses. That reflects the concept of residual claims: Companies pay wages, supplier bills, interest and taxes first. Shareholders receive what remains — and are also last in line when losses occur. Shin’s long-term community argument, in effect, calls for recognizing that structure and considering how responsibility is shared not only in good times but also in downturns. Shin Je-yoon’s remarks reflect a similar concern. In an internal post, he said that “once a strike begins, both labor and management will lose their footing.” He also stressed that in semiconductors — a “national foundation industry,” in his words — timing and customer trust are crucial. The warning is rooted in the industry’s dynamics. If customer confidence is shaken, supply chains can be reshaped. In the current race for AI semiconductors, speed matters and customers will not wait. If development schedules slip and production is disrupted, global clients can move quickly to competitors. That is why Shin said a strike could seriously affect the national economy. The article argues Samsung is tied to exports, tax revenue, the stock market and a broad supplier ecosystem, and that its performance can influence the won-dollar exchange rate, markets and pension-fund returns — leaving the broader economy vulnerable if the company falters. But another question follows: Should workers’ demands be suppressed in the name of the national economy? The article notes that South Korea has often used economic arguments to ask workers to accept sacrifices, an approach that may quiet conflict without resolving it. The dispute is not easily reduced to one side being wrong. The union is seeking what it sees as fairer rewards for performance. The company and some economists warn that a short-term, cash-heavy approach could weaken long-term competitiveness. Both arguments carry weight. The larger issue, the article says, is that South Korea has not reached a clear agreement on how to share long-term gains. Silicon Valley companies often combine cash pay with long-term equity, allowing key employees to share in growth over time. But the U.S. system also features freer labor mobility and different capital-market norms, making a direct transplant difficult and pointing to the need for a distinct Korean model. The Samsung dispute, then, is more than a bonus negotiation. It raises questions about who a company belongs to, how far labor is part of a shared enterprise, why shareholders receive residual profits, and how far corporate social responsibility should extend. Shin Jang-seob spoke of a “long-term community.” Shin Je-yoon spoke of the sustainability of the national economy. The article says both point to the same conclusion: Samsung should not be viewed only as a venue for short-term distribution. At the same time, it argues that workers on the front lines of semiconductor competition cannot be met only with calls to endure for the company’s future. What is needed, it concludes, is balance — recognizing short-term performance while protecting long-term competitiveness, acknowledging labor’s contribution while preserving room for future investment, and recognizing shareholder risk without ignoring social responsibility. The conflict at Samsung, the article says, is ultimately asking where Korean capitalism is headed — a question larger than any single bonus figure. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:24:23
  • OpenAI Expects to Spend $50 Billion on Computing Capacity This Year, Executive Says
    OpenAI Expects to Spend $50 Billion on Computing Capacity This Year, Executive Says OpenAI, the developer of ChatGPT, expects to spend $50 billion (about 73 trillion won) this year to secure computing capacity for running its AI services and developing new models. Bloomberg News reported that OpenAI President Greg Brockman disclosed the estimate while testifying May 5 in a court proceeding tied to a legal dispute with Tesla CEO Elon Musk. The testimony came in litigation Musk filed against OpenAI. Musk alleges the company is abandoning its founding mission to develop AI for the public good and is seeking to shift toward a profit-driven structure. He sued CEO Sam Altman, Brockman and others. Brockman said OpenAI’s computing costs have surged from about $30 million in 2017 to tens of billions of dollars this year, reflecting the growing computing power needed to build more advanced AI models and serve more users. Since launching ChatGPT in late 2022 and helping ignite the generative AI boom, OpenAI has moved aggressively to secure AI chips and data centers. The company has not yet turned a profit, but it is widely seen as central to an AI infrastructure investment race involving major cloud providers and chipmakers. OpenAI previously told investors in February that it plans to spend about $600 billion through 2030. The company has also said it has committed to investing more than $1.4 trillion in AI infrastructure over the coming years. OpenAI recently raised $122 billion in funding, described as among the largest in Silicon Valley history, but concerns are growing about the financial strain from its massive AI infrastructure spending.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:21:22
  • Hyundai-owned Boston Dynamics upgrades Atlas humanoid ahead of U.S. plant rollout
    Hyundai-owned Boston Dynamics upgrades Atlas humanoid ahead of U.S. plant rollout Hyundai Motor Co.’s humanoid robot Atlas, slated for deployment at the automaker’s U.S. production facilities, has demonstrated advanced gymnastics moves, fueling expectations it could handle more demanding manufacturing work. Boston Dynamics on May 5 (U.S. local time) posted a video on its YouTube channel showing Atlas performing a series of gymnastics positions. In the 43-second short, Atlas moves into a handstand and then holds its body nearly horizontal while supporting itself only on its hands. Around the 19-second mark, Atlas performs an “L-sit,” forming an L shape while balancing on its hands. It holds the position for about five seconds before flipping up to stand upright. The company said the routine goes beyond simple balance or repeated motions, requiring precise, simultaneous control of the upper body, core and arm joints. It also reflects improved ability to hold steady positions, separate from previously shown aerial flips. The demonstration drew favorable reactions ahead of full-scale training planned at U.S. production sites, with viewers noting the difficulty of the moves even for humans. Comments on YouTube included: “The gymnastics moves are really cool,” “Getting ready for the next Olympics,” and “I really like that it’s almost silent.” Boston Dynamics said the video shows Atlas can carry heavy objects, move them and work from irregular postures on a factory floor. Observers pointed to the robot’s ability to support its full body weight steadily on a very small contact area—both hands—as a sign it has reached an advanced technical stage. Boston Dynamics said the routine used a reinforcement learning-based whole-body control system. The video also shows “001” engraved on the side of Atlas’ torso, identifying it as the first development model. The development model includes autonomous learning capability and flexibility designed to adapt to a wide range of work environments. Hyundai Motor Group plans to deploy the Atlas development model first at Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America, or HMGMA, and conduct process-by-process verification. A Hyundai Motor official said earlier videos focused on logistics tasks or flip-style movements, while the latest clip highlights precise control of the body in static positions. The official described it as a demonstration of high-difficulty work capability ahead of planned deployment at U.S. plants in 2028.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:15:15
  • PPP Yeongnam gubernatorial candidates denounce DP’s prosecution-cancellation special counsel bill
    PPP Yeongnam gubernatorial candidates denounce DP’s prosecution-cancellation special counsel bill The People Power Party’s five mayoral and gubernatorial candidates in the Yeongnam region on the 6th condemned the Democratic Party’s push for a “special counsel bill to cancel prosecutions,” calling it a measure that would let the president “erase his own crimes.” Kim Du-gyeom, the PPP’s Ulsan mayoral candidate; Park Heong-joon, the Busan mayoral candidate; Choo Kyung-ho, the Daegu mayoral candidate; Lee Cheol-woo, the North Gyeongsang governor candidate; and Park Wan-soo, the South Gyeongsang governor candidate made the remarks at a news conference at Ulsan City Hall’s press center. They said they would “block to the end, together with the public, the unconstitutional attempt by President Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party.” They argued that allowing a special counsel appointed by the president to cancel the president’s own trial would amount to improper interference in judicial procedures and a violation of the constitutional principle of separation of powers, calling it “a judicial coup disguised as legislation” and “judicial insurrection.” The candidates said Lee’s trial is currently suspended during his term and “poses no obstacle to governing,” but that seeking to eliminate his case through prosecution cancellation while in office would be an unconstitutional act that directly contradicts South Korea’s constitutional order. They also said the proposal violates the principle of equality, arguing that the president is “one citizen before the law,” and that rejecting that principle would place the president above the Constitution. “Power that seeks to stand above the law is anti-democratic and anti-republican, and the Republic of Korea, a democratic republic, strongly rejects this,” they said. The candidates criticized Lee’s request that the ruling party gather public opinion on adopting the special counsel measure, saying it appeared to be political calculation aimed at avoiding fallout in local elections less than a month away, rather than a commitment to uphold the Constitution. They claimed it was effectively an admission that the president himself is behind what they called an attempt to “launder” alleged crimes. They said the bill should not pass the National Assembly, but added that even if it does, Lee “must” exercise his veto. If he does not, they said, it would mean the president is abandoning his duty to defend the Constitution and betraying the oath made to the public. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:09:15
  • South Korea to Send Special Envoy Yang Kyung-sook to Costa Rica President’s Inauguration
    South Korea to Send Special Envoy Yang Kyung-sook to Costa Rica President’s Inauguration The government will dispatch former lawmaker Yang Kyung-sook as President Lee Jae-myung’s special envoy to the inauguration of Costa Rican President Laura Fernandez on May 8. According to a written briefing issued Tuesday by senior Cheong Wa Dae spokesperson Kang Yoo-jung, Yang plans to meet with Fernandez to explain the Lee administration’s governing philosophy and foreign policy and to deliver Lee’s message on developing ties with the new Costa Rican government, along with a presidential letter. Kang said Yang will attend inauguration-related events, including a reception hosted by Costa Rica’s foreign minister and an inaugural reception hosted by the incoming president. Kang said Yang will also convey the Lee government’s intent to strengthen practical cooperation in areas such as the economy, infrastructure and education.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:07:18
  • South Korea Moves to Stabilize Agricultural Film Supplies Amid Mideast War Risks
    South Korea Moves to Stabilize Agricultural Film Supplies Amid Mideast War Risks As the prolonged war in the Middle East raises concerns about shortages of agricultural film, the South Korean government is launching a pilot program with private-sector partners to stabilize supplies. Under the plan, the government will work with petrochemical companies to provide raw materials to manufacturers, which will produce agricultural film and deliver it to local agricultural cooperatives. The Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs said Tuesday it will carry out the pilot with Jinju Horticultural Nonghyup, which operates its own film plant. The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy will work with Hanwha Solutions to supply raw materials for agricultural film within this week, and Jinju Horticultural Nonghyup will use them to produce film and supply it to six materials sales outlets run by local Nonghyup cooperatives. Agricultural film is used during the farming season to manage moisture, suppress weeds and block pests. In summer, farmers also use specialized film to reduce sun-scorch damage. The agriculture ministry said supplies needed for spring farming have been secured nationwide, but it sees regional imbalances. To address that, it has been working with Nonghyup to support local cooperatives in areas with low inventories. “This is the first case of producing and supplying film through cooperation with the trade ministry and Nonghyup to ensure stable supplies of agricultural film,” said Kim Jeong-uk, director general for agro-industry innovation policy at the ministry. He said the ministry will continue to monitor supply and demand and “do its best” to ensure stable supplies. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:06:25
  • Ruling, Opposition Parties Trade Barbs Over Key Races Ahead of June 3 Local Elections
    Ruling, Opposition Parties Trade Barbs Over Key Races Ahead of June 3 Local Elections With the June 3 local elections approaching, exchanges between the ruling and opposition parties are intensifying over the most competitive races. The Democratic Party has nominated Jung Won-oh for Seoul mayor and Jeon Jae-soo for Busan mayor, highlighting an image of “mayors who get things done.” The People Power Party, meanwhile, is leaning on the advantages of incumbency and the issue of a special counsel probe into canceled indictments as it seeks to rally conservative voters. Democratic Party lawmaker Park Seongjun, People Power Party lawmaker Kim Jaeseop, Rebuilding Korea Party lawmaker Shin Jang-sik and New Reform Party lawmaker Cheon Ha-ram appeared on CBS Radio’s “Park Seong-tae’s News Show” on Tuesday and traded arguments over battleground districts in the June 3 local elections and by-elections. Criticism focused first on Democratic Party Seoul mayoral candidate Jung. Kim said the narrowing gap in polls was not due to conservative voters uniting but because Jung’s support was falling. He said Jung’s view of the Seoul city government seemed “novice” and “amateur.” “Once he’s put to the test, the bubble of ‘he works well’ is bursting,” Kim said, adding that with the canceled-indictment issue overlapping, “the Democratic Party will have a very hard time in Seoul.” Cheon also criticized Jung, saying that despite high presidential approval ratings, Jung’s support in Seoul was “stalling,” and he raised doubts about Jung, citing controversy over what he described as overseas trips. Park pushed back, saying the election should test who can do the job well. He attacked Oh Se-hoon, saying, “Oh hasn’t done any work. What did he do in four terms?” The Busan mayoral race also drew sharp exchanges. Park described Jeon as a “new product” with competitiveness and framed the contest as a clash between Jeon as a “symbolic figure” and People Power Party candidate Park Hyung-joon as an “old-era figure.” Kim countered that Jeon’s “Cartier” legal risk and the special counsel issue over what he called a “fabricated indictment” had given conservative voters a reason to turn out. “In Busan, things have flipped a lot thanks to the canceled indictment,” he said. Cheon added that Jeon could face growing difficulty, citing a case in which Jeon’s secretary became a defendant on allegations of destroying evidence. In Gyeonggi Province’s Pyeongtaek-eul district, where multiple candidates are competing, the lawmakers differed over whether a unified candidacy would emerge. Kim said conflict would erupt between candidate Kim Yong-nam, whom he described as part of a “new Lee Jae-myung” camp, and candidate Cho Kuk, whom he described as aligned with the Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in camp. Kim predicted People Power Party candidate Yoo Eui-dong would ultimately win. Shin argued Yoo, despite serving three terms, had failed to secure what he promised with the government. Shin said Yoo had no achievements beyond being “a Pyeongtaek person,” and predicted the race would become a two-way contest between Kim and Cho. Cheon said support for “President Lee” would not be easily transferred to Cho, and predicted that over time votes would move to Kim.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-05-06 11:02:51