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Han Kyoreh Union Expresses Concern Over Kim Hwae-seung's Appointment to Blue House Kim Hwae-seung, a former editorial writer for Han Kyoreh, was appointed as the head of the Blue House Press Office on August 20, raising concerns about the direct transition of a current journalist into a political role. Critics have expressed worries about the independence and fairness of the media, given that Kim had recently written editorials criticizing the government and political powers without any grace period before taking on a senior position to assist the president.On August 21, the Han Kyoreh Newspaper Union issued a statement expressing regret over Kim's appointment, stating it undermines readers' trust in the independence and fairness of Han Kyoreh's reporting.Notably, Kim continued to write editorials until just eight days before the announcement of his appointment. Considering the Blue House's personnel verification procedures, there was effectively no grace period between his role as a critical editorial writer and his new position in a power institution.The Han Kyoreh Newspaper Union highlighted the differences in roles between an editorial writer and the head of the Press Office. An editorial writer critiques the policies and actions of the president, government, and political entities, while the Press Office head supports the reporting activities of journalists covering the presidential office and oversees media communication.This raises concerns that a person who has criticized the government may now be responsible for managing its media responses, potentially casting doubt on the independence of past editorials and judgments. There are also concerns that this situation could create pressure on Han Kyoreh journalists tasked with covering and critiquing the government.Han Kyoreh's reporting guidelines stipulate that the media must be 'independent from any power' and warn against actions that could compromise this independence or provide grounds for government intervention.The union also referenced past instances where Han Kyoreh criticized the appointment of current journalists to the Blue House. In a 2015 editorial, Han Kyoreh condemned the movement of journalists to the Blue House without a minimum 'buffer period.'The union stated, 'At that time, the targets of criticism were journalists who moved directly to the Blue House under the Park Geun-hye administration. The change in government does not mean that the standards of journalistic ethics can change.' They emphasized that the principles Han Kyoreh has demanded from other journalists and powers should equally apply to its own former journalists and the current administration.Criticism was also directed at the Blue House's personnel practices. The Han Kyoreh Newspaper Union pointed out that bringing in current journalists as key aides without a sufficient grace period could weaken the necessary tension and distance between the media and power.They called on the company to establish specific ethical standards to prevent current journalists from moving directly into political power. This includes requiring prior notification of public office offers or support, exclusion from related reporting and commentary duties, and instituting a sufficient grace period.The Han Kyoreh Newspaper Union stated, 'The independence of the media is maintained not only by being free from power but also by being vigilant against actions that could raise doubts about that independence. The trust of readers that Han Kyoreh will maintain distance from any power and fulfill its responsibility for oversight and criticism is our most important asset.'* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 19:28:00
Samsung workers take protest to Seocho as record shareholder payout raises stakes SEOUL, August 21 (AJP) - "Seocho is next!" That was the promise Samsung Electronics workers made on July 16, when thousands gathered outside the company's Suwon campus for the first rally organized by the newly formed Donghaeng union. A little over a month later, they made good on it. Thousands of workers descended on Samsung's Seocho headquarters in southern Seoul on Friday, demanding answers over the deteriorating fortunes of the company's consumer-electronics businesses and what they see as an increasingly unequal system for sharing Samsung's gains. The protest came on the same day Samsung unveiled plans for the largest shareholder return in its history, expecting to return between 90 trillion won ($65 billion) and 110 trillion won this year through dividends and share buybacks and cancellations. The company also approved the purchase of about 15 trillion won worth of treasury shares for employee compensation. The announcements added another layer to a dispute increasingly centered on how Samsung distributes the fruits of its growth — among shareholders, employees and businesses whose fortunes have diverged sharply during the artificial intelligence boom. "Take responsibility for management failures!" "Stop cutting jobs!" "Communicate with employees!" The chants rose from the road outside Samsung's headquarters as workers dressed largely in black raised fists and placards toward the office towers. Other slogans were considerably more personal. "Park Hak-kyu, Chung Hyun-ho step down." One banner carrying Samsung Electronics Chairman Jay Y. Lee's image appealed directly to the group leader to "please listen to DX too." By 5 p.m., police estimated about 2,100 people had joined the rally, while Donghaeng put attendance at more than 3,500, saying workers continued arriving after the event began. The gathering was Donghaeng's second large-scale demonstration since its inaugural Suwon rally and marked a shift in tone. What began as anger over a vast compensation gap between Samsung's booming semiconductor division and its struggling consumer businesses is increasingly turning into a broader challenge to the way the company is being managed. "We did not come all the way to Seocho simply to demand more money," the union said in remarks delivered to reporters. "We came to ask why Samsung Electronics' DX division has reached this point, who made these decisions and who will take responsibility for their consequences." Beyond 1,000 shares Donghaeng, whose membership is concentrated in Samsung's Device eXperience (DX) division, has demanded that the company revisit this year's wage agreement and devise compensation equivalent to 1,000 Samsung Electronics shares for each DX employee. But union leaders on Friday sought to push back against portraying the dispute as simply a demand for a larger payout. "Stop hiding behind the number 1,000," the union said. "What we are demanding is not the number 1,000 itself." Instead, it said management should explain why DX's past contributions have not been adequately reflected in compensation, why executives are rewarded based on company-wide performance while rank-and-file workers are judged by individual business units and why the consequences of management decisions fall on employees through cost-cutting and workforce reductions. Asked separately by AJP how the 1,000-share figure had been calculated, a union official acknowledged that it was not based on a precise financial formula. "The conclusion from our internal discussions was that around 1,000 shares per employee would be appropriate," the official said. "It was less a precise calculation than a determination that this was an appropriate level." The dispute traces back to Samsung's wage settlement in May. Under the agreement, workers in the semiconductor-focused Device Solutions division became eligible for a special management performance bonus funded by 10.5 percent of designated business performance, without a fixed payout ceiling. Employees in the highly profitable memory business could receive dramatically larger compensation if the current AI-driven chip boom persists, although final payouts have not yet been made. DX employees, meanwhile, received Samsung shares worth about 6 million won each under a separate compensation arrangement. Donghaeng argues that the agreement effectively created a two-tier compensation system inside Samsung. The union says smartphones, televisions and home appliances helped sustain Samsung through repeated downturns in the cyclical memory-chip industry, only for those contributions to be discounted once AI demand sent semiconductor profits soaring. Friday's message, however, went further. Donghaeng accused management of repeatedly responding to deteriorating profitability with cost reductions rather than investment. "Before AI, it was excessive material-cost and expense reductions," the union said. "After AI, management began talking about workforce efficiency under the name of AX." It accused executives of cutting materials, investment and eventually jobs while failing to take responsibility for the strategic decisions that produced the current situation. The union pointed specifically to Samsung's struggles in high-bandwidth memory, or HBM, as a warning of what can happen when investment and technological shifts are misjudged. "We have already experienced a major crisis in semiconductors surrounding HBM," Donghaeng said. "When we failed to seize the shift in the AI market in time and lost the lead in the HBM race, we saw how quickly even a world-leading company can find its competitiveness under threat." 'No response from Roh Tae-moon' The rally also reflected frustration over what union officials describe as a near-total lack of communication from senior management. Donghaeng said Samsung's leadership has yet to give a substantive response to its repeated requests for dialogue. "We still have not received a response from anyone, most importantly from Roh Tae-moon," one union official told AJP, referring to the head of Samsung's DX division. "Roh has not presented any countermeasure or communicated with us. He is simply remaining silent." The official added that Roh's position itself illustrates what the union views as a structural problem inside Samsung. "Roh Tae-moon is the head of the division, but structurally there is very little he can decide on his own," the official said. The comment underscored why Friday's protest targeted Samsung's Seocho headquarters rather than another DX workplace. The union's demands have increasingly moved beyond individual business-unit management toward Samsung's central decision-making structure. Among the executives singled out in chants were Park Hak-kyu, head of Samsung Electronics' Business Support Office, and Chung Hyun-ho, his predecessor who now serves as an adviser to Chairman Jay Y. Lee. Workers called on both to step down, directing their anger toward Samsung's central management apparatus. Workers and shareholders find common ground The growing fight over Samsung's compensation system took an unusual turn even before the rally began, when Donghaeng sat down with a shareholder activist group — traditionally a constituency that might be expected to resist demands for larger employee payouts. At around 2:30 p.m., Donghaeng leaders and the Korea Shareholders' Activism Association held their first joint briefing near Samsung's Seocho headquarters. Donghaeng acting chairman Son Jong-hyun and policy planning chief Baek Soon-an met the shareholder group's head, Min Kyung-kwon, exchanging handshakes before separately outlining their positions. The meeting did not amount to a joint rally or formal alliance. Rather, the two sides found common ground over what they see as flaws in the process through which Samsung's May wage agreement and performance-pay arrangement were reached. "We agree that the previous wage negotiations were neither legitimate nor fair," Son said. "Whether we can align on the details will have to be discussed in future meetings, but our assessment of the fundamental unfairness of the negotiations is the same." Baek stressed that Donghaeng was not opposed to workers receiving performance-based compensation itself. "We are not saying that employees should not receive the results or rewards they deserve," he said. "But from Donghaeng's perspective, both the process through which the agreement was reached and the outcome are very difficult to accept." The shareholder group approaches the issue from a markedly different direction. Min argued that decisions involving the distribution of Samsung's overall earnings should, where shareholder approval is required, be put before a general meeting rather than determined solely through labor-management negotiations. "Shareholders are not shareholders of any particular union. They are shareholders of Samsung Electronics as a whole," Min said. "The distribution of Samsung Electronics' overall performance is something shareholders should be able to approve." He argued that the May 21 tentative agreement and May 27 final agreement should be treated as invalid, criticizing both the union that negotiated the deal and Samsung management for handling what he views as a matter involving the disposition of corporate profit. Hours later, Samsung announced the record shareholder-return plan. Its board approved total shareholder returns of 90 trillion won to 110 trillion won for 2026, potentially about five times the company's previous annual record of 20.3 trillion won in 2020. Samsung plans to distribute about 30 trillion won in cash dividends in the third quarter, with the remainder to be determined after full-year results are finalized. The plan is part of Samsung's 2024 to 2026 shareholder return policy, under which it pledged to return 50 percent of free cash flow to shareholders. Including this year's planned distributions, cumulative returns over the three-year period are expected to reach between 120 trillion won and 140 trillion won. The shareholder group welcomed the prospect of a large return to investors but maintained its criticism of Samsung's performance-pay system, arguing that the allocation of tens of trillions of won in performance-related compensation warrants shareholder scrutiny. That left Donghaeng and the shareholder activists in an unusual position: they disagree over who should ultimately receive Samsung's earnings, but agree that the process used to determine how those earnings are distributed needs to change. For now, however, the common front remains limited. "This was our first meeting," Son said. "As our administrative and legal procedures move forward, we may discuss whether there are areas where we can align with the shareholders. There may not be. It is too early to say." Protest spills onto Gangnam streets At around 4 p.m., the rally moved onto the streets. Workers marched along the stretch between Gangnam Station and Samsung's Seocho headquarters, temporarily occupying lanes along one of Seoul's busiest commercial corridors. Traffic backed up as police restricted one or two lanes along sections of Gangnam-daero. Horns sounded intermittently as cars tried to navigate around the procession, and arguments broke out between some motorists and people near the march route. The disruption came at the beginning of Friday's evening rush hour and drew complaints from some commuters. The rally has also faced criticism on a separate front. Samsung and its unions already concluded this year's wage negotiations in May, and Donghaeng has not separately secured the right to take industrial action. Critics have therefore questioned whether holding a mass gathering during normal working hours without completing procedures required for industrial action amounts to an improper attempt to circumvent labor rules. Donghaeng has rejected that characterization, saying participation was voluntary and workers could use company leave programs such as annual leave or "D-day" leave rather than refuse scheduled work. The union on Friday emphasized that it intended to remain within legal boundaries. "Donghaeng will fight to the end using every legitimate method permitted by law," it said. "We are not fighting to bring Samsung down. We are fighting because we cannot simply watch Samsung, which we helped build, be damaged by bad decisions." The dispute is unfolding as DX itself faces difficult operating conditions. The division posted an operating loss of around 800 billion won in the second quarter, its first quarterly loss since Samsung adopted the current divisional structure in 2021, squeezed in part by sharply higher memory and component costs. That has fueled criticism that demanding potentially billions of dollars in additional compensation is difficult to justify when the underlying business is loss-making. Donghaeng counters that focusing narrowly on the division's current earnings ignores its historical contribution to Samsung and, more importantly, avoids the question of who should bear responsibility for the decisions that led to the deterioration. 'Next is Hannam' The rally ended with another warning. A month earlier in Suwon, workers had answered "Seocho" when asked where they would go next. On Friday, the answer changed. "Today was Seocho. Next is Hannam," the union declared, referring to the Seoul neighborhood where Samsung Chairman Jay Y. Lee resides. A union official told AJP the choice was deliberate. "DX has been speaking, but management, including Roh Tae-moon, has shown no intention of listening or communicating," the official said. "If we go to Hannam, executives will have no choice but to pay attention." The union said the point was ultimately to force Samsung's top leadership to confront the dispute. As workers began dispersing from the streets around Seocho, the message from the stage was no longer centered solely on the size of a bonus. The questions came on a day when Samsung promised to return as much as 110 trillion won to its shareholders, underscoring the increasingly difficult balance the company faces over how to distribute the rewards of its AI-driven growth while addressing frustration among the employees who say they have been left behind. A month after taking its first protest to Suwon, Donghaeng has now carried those questions to Samsung's headquarters. If management remains silent, the union says it intends to carry them closer still. 2026-08-21 19:25:08
Hyosung Chairman Cho Hyun-joon: Father Urged Brother Not to Withdraw Lawsuit Hyosung Chairman Cho Hyun-joon testified that his father urged his brother, former Hyosung Vice President Cho Hyun-moon, not to withdraw a lawsuit until he repented. On August 21, Cho Hyun-joon appeared as a witness in the trial regarding his brother's alleged attempted coercion, presided over by Judge Lee Seong-yeol at the Seoul Central District Court. This marked the first time the two brothers met in court since the so-called 'Hyosung Brothers' Conflict' in 2014.Cho emphasized that the lawsuit was in line with the wishes of their late father, Cho Seok-rae, the former honorary chairman of Hyosung Group. He stated, "My father believed that this was the only way to awaken his second son, and he chose this lawsuit with a heavy heart. He hoped that this would lead Hyun-moon to reflect on his actions."He added, "I do not know how many family members are suffering because of this. The reason for the lawsuit is to remind my brother not to further torment our family, as my father wished."Cho also claimed that there was coercion involved when his brother took physical shares related to the company's management rights. He stated, "The shares taken by my brother were related to the management rights of the company, and according to family tradition, any transfer of ownership required the consent of our father and family. There was no such process in this case."He explained that their late father believed that Cho Hyun-moon had intimidated an executive in charge of stock management, Ko Dong-yoon, to take shares stored in a Woori Bank safe. "To dispose of company shares, one would need to ask our father to buy or take the shares. It is incomprehensible that he would send a certified letter to Woori Bank to forcibly take the shares," he argued.Cho recounted a particularly tense incident from March 8, 2015, when Cho Hyun-moon visited their father's home. He testified that his brother locked the reception room door, preventing staff from entering, and directed severe insults and threats toward their parents.He claimed that Cho Hyun-moon made derogatory remarks about their mother, saying he regretted being born from her, and threatened their father by calling him a "criminal organization." Cho stated, "Such outrageous comments caused our parents significant emotional distress, and this was clearly a form of intimidation." He added that their mother had hoped Hyun-moon would return, even putting up a skiing photo, but their father, after being shocked, removed it.There were also claims that Cho Hyun-moon continued to pressure the family regarding the establishment of a public foundation and issues related to inheritance. Cho Hyun-joon mentioned that in 2024, his brother requested approval to establish a public foundation, saying, "If he wants to do good, he could donate to another foundation. I do not understand why he insists on creating his own foundation." However, he noted that he eventually agreed to the foundation's establishment.Regarding the issue of shares in unlisted affiliates, he stated, "Since it is only 10%, it does not affect management rights. If it is a matter of property, I hope we can settle our assets and go our separate ways." He expressed a desire to sever ties with his brother, saying, "I want to cut off all connections as he wishes."However, he pointed out that the shares in unlisted companies have not yet been settled, and their father had been very concerned about Hyun-moon during his lifetime. He claimed that Hyun-moon is now pressuring the family with inheritance lawsuits regarding the shares left to them.Cho stated, "This is just another way to provoke a fight. If it is a matter of property, we should discuss only the property, but I cannot contain my dismay at the fact that he is resorting to lawsuits over our father's inheritance."Regarding a press release that Cho Hyun-moon demanded during his resignation process in 2013, Cho Hyun-joon argued that it was a calculated move for stock sales.According to Cho, a lawyer named Gong Seung-bae and former News Communication representative Park Soo-hwan, acting on Cho Hyun-moon's orders, visited Hyosung twice, demanding that a press release regarding his resignation be distributed on February 28, 2013, at 3 p.m.Cho claimed that Cho Hyun-moon was under an agreement with Goldman Sachs for a block deal of shares, and that if the press release was distributed during trading hours, it could lower the stock price, thus reducing the sale proceeds. He argued that the press release was not meant to formalize his resignation but was a calculated move to sell his shares at a higher price.He also asserted that the shares held in Cho Hyun-moon's name were managed by their late father and the family to defend management rights. Cho stated, "It cannot be viewed as something he bought with his own money. Ownership is secondary to management rights, so he cannot arbitrarily seize and sell them."He described this as a "backstabbing act," asserting that it was necessary to issue a press release through Hyosung to justify the action.In contrast, Cho Hyun-moon's side argued that his comments about exposing company corruption were warnings rather than threats. During previous cross-examinations, his legal team claimed that his statements were merely predictions or warnings regarding management corruption.Cho Hyun-joon countered, "How can anyone accept such statements from a brother directed at his brother and father?" He reiterated his intention to seek punishment for Cho Hyun-moon.The court plans to summon Cho Hyun-joon again as a witness on August 28 to continue the examination.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 19:16:00
Kakao Union Responds to Corporate Split with Joint Negotiations, Demands Accountability Kakao's labor union announced its official stance on August 21 following the company's announcement of a corporate split, signaling the start of joint negotiations within the Kakao community. The union believes that the decision-making structure will become more complex after the split, making it difficult to address substantial issues through individual corporate negotiations.The Kakao chapter of the Korean Chemical and Textile Workers' Union (Kakao Union) has demanded that Kakao disclose the specific impacts of the split on employment and labor conditions for Kakao and its major affiliates before the extraordinary shareholders' meeting scheduled for December.The Kakao Union will hold a joint negotiation ceremony at Pangyo Station Plaza on August 26, where workers from Kakao and its major affiliates will present joint demands and call for community-level negotiations. Prior to this, a resolution meeting for Kakao Bank will take place, as the bank plans to initiate a five-day strike starting August 31.The union also issued a statement regarding the corporate split into 'Kakao AI' and 'Kakao X.'The Kakao Union argues that before the split, the company must first address its management failures and provide measures to protect employment and labor conditions. They also pointed out that there was insufficient communication with members prior to the announcement, highlighting the need for joint negotiations.The union stated, "The undervaluation of corporate value is not solely due to a complex business structure. Dividing the corporation without addressing management failures and the lack of accountability in decision-making cannot lead to fundamental reform. It is difficult to be optimistic that Kakao will change simply with a new governance structure. The company must first answer what has changed regarding repeated management failures, excessive working hours, workplace harassment, and controversies over corruption and favoritism in recent years."The union emphasized that most members have not been provided with sufficient information, pointing to a lack of communication with Kakao employees.Seung-wook Seo, head of the Kakao chapter, stated, "While the decision to split Kakao may be the company's choice, it cannot unilaterally determine the changes in employment and labor conditions that arise from that decision. The company cannot divide its management failures and responsibilities toward its members."The Kakao chapter aims to create a structure for joint negotiations that allows discussions with actual decision-makers on issues that cannot be resolved by individual corporations, including responsible management, job security, fair performance distribution, prior consultation during organizational restructuring, sales, and spin-offs, and community-level employment and welfare safety nets.Park Sung-ui, head of the Kakao chapter's struggle headquarters, remarked, "If the company decides at the community level, workers will also negotiate and respond at the community level."Before the assembly, the Kakao chapter plans to hold an open talk for Kakao corporate union members during lunchtime on August 24 to directly address questions and concerns regarding the new corporation and the corporate split. Following this, a survey will be conducted among all union members, and based on the results, an additional open talk involving all members of the Kakao community will be organized.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 19:12:00
Government Freezes Oil Product Price Amid Rising Global Oil Prices The government has decided to freeze the maximum price for oil products for the ninth time. Despite rising international oil prices, which have climbed back to around $90 per barrel due to increased uncertainty from the Middle East conflict, the decision was made with consideration for the economic burden on citizens from extreme heat and heavy rainfall.The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy announced on August 21 that starting at midnight on August 22, the maximum prices for oil products will remain unchanged from the previous eighth price level: 1,784 won per liter for regular gasoline, 1,773 won for diesel, and 1,380 won for kerosene. These maximum prices will apply to the oil products supplied by refiners to gas stations over the next four weeks.The government has been implementing the maximum price system for oil products since March 13. The initial maximum prices were set at 1,724 won per liter for regular gasoline, 1,713 won for diesel, and 1,320 won for kerosene. The second maximum price, which took effect on March 27, was set at 1,934 won for gasoline, 1,923 won for diesel, and 1,530 won for kerosene, and prices remained frozen up to the sixth maximum price.On June 26, the government announced the seventh maximum price, reducing the supply prices for gasoline, diesel, and kerosene by 150 won each. The eighth and ninth maximum prices have since been frozen at the same level as the seventh.The decision to freeze prices was made after comprehensive consideration of the situation in the Middle East, trends in international oil prices, domestic inflation, and the burden on citizens. Following the expiration of a 60-day memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the United States and Iran in June, tensions between the two countries have continued, increasing uncertainty in the Middle East.As a result, international oil prices, which had dropped to around $70 per barrel in early August due to hopes for peace, have begun to rise again. Brent crude prices increased from an average of $81.7 in the first week of August to $88.2 in the second week, reaching $93.8 on August 20.During the same period, Dubai crude rose from $79.8 to $95.6, while West Texas Intermediate (WTI) increased from $77.4 to $87.8. International gasoline prices also rose to $114 per barrel, and diesel prices reached $164.However, the current prices of international crude oil and oil products are not significantly different from those at the time the eighth maximum price was set, and the recent extreme weather conditions have increased the burden on citizens, influencing the decision to freeze prices.Domestic gas station prices have also remained stable. Since the implementation of the seventh maximum price on June 27, domestic fuel prices have steadily declined, with the national average for gasoline at 1,862 won per liter and diesel at 1,845 won as of August 20.There are currently no significant issues with short-term oil supply. The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy has confirmed that it has secured oil and naphtha import volumes at 100% of last year's average for August. Although international oil prices are rising, there is no immediate need to adjust the maximum prices due to supply shortages.The ministry stated, "As the situation in the Middle East is constantly changing, the government will monitor domestic and international conditions in real-time and will operate the maximum price system flexibly and promptly, considering the Middle East situation, oil supply and demand, inflation, and the need for demand management."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 19:00:20
Education Groups Rally Against Proposed Changes to Local Education Funding In response to the government's announcement to abolish the local education financial grant formula linked to 20.79% of domestic tax revenue and to establish a new future response fund, education groups and superintendents across the country have called for a complete reversal of what they describe as a "devastating blow to the future of public education in South Korea." They are demanding an end to the unilateral reforms and the establishment of an official public consultation body involving educational stakeholders. On August 21, the Korean Federation of Teachers' Associations (KFTA), the Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union (KTU), the Teachers' Union Federation, and over 360 educational and civic organizations formed the 'Emergency Action for Local Education Financial Grant Reform' to collectively criticize the government's proposal through statements and a press conference. The KFTA stated, "The 54-year-old grant system, built on the blood and sweat of the education community, is being unilaterally altered without meaningful consultation with the directly affected local education superintendents and teachers, through backdoor negotiations by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Planning and Finance." They condemned the process as a "secret agreement, unilateral notification, and hasty enforcement." The KTU also pointed out, "Even with a decrease in student numbers, schools and classes must be maintained, and costs for utilities and facility safety management do not decrease proportionally with student numbers." They highlighted that the local education fund has plummeted from 21.4 trillion won in 2022 to 3 trillion won in 2026, a staggering 85.9% drop, arguing that claims of surplus in education finances are a distortion of the truth. The Emergency Action group, led by the Teachers' Union Federation, held a press conference in front of the Government Seoul Office, questioning, "Is this how a government that values the sovereignty of the people communicates, by announcing agreements between ministries only to inform later?" They criticized the government's proposed formula, which ties funding to economic growth rates influenced by semiconductor booms and exchange rates, as an unstable structure. The Council of Education Superintendents of Korea, representing 16 regional superintendents, also issued a joint statement on the same day, opposing the government's reform plan. The council criticized the lack of substantial participation and consultation from local education superintendents, who are responsible for managing local education finances and ensuring educational quality. They specifically refuted the government's claim of a "sustained increase in per-student funding," explaining that even if the total grant amount does not increase, a decrease in the school-age population would mathematically inflate the per-student figure. They argued that this misleading representation of increased educational investment is an attempt to deceive the public. Furthermore, the council warned that the newly established future response fund should not be misused as a means to reduce local education finances. They urged the government to clearly define the future response fund's investment areas in early childhood, primary, and secondary education, ensuring its scale and purpose are legally guaranteed.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 18:28:20
Local Universities Urged to Shift Focus from Quantity to Quality in International Student Policies In response to the crisis facing local universities due to low birth rates and a declining school-age population, there is a pressing call to shift international student policies from mere recruitment to a comprehensive strategy for nurturing and settling talent. The Korean Council of Private University Presidents (KCPUP) and the Immigration Policy Association jointly held a seminar on strengthening the connection between the recruitment, employment, and settlement of international students on August 21 at the National Assembly in Yeouido, Seoul. During the seminar, university presidents highlighted the flaws in the current international student system, which has seen the number of international students in South Korea exceed 300,000, and exposed the fierce competition for survival among local universities. They unanimously called for comprehensive reforms at the government level.Major Developed Countries Integrate Study, Employment, and Settlement into a Unified Talent StrategyIn his opening remarks, Lim Dong-jin, president of the Immigration Policy Association, emphasized the need for a paradigm shift in viewing international students as strategic talents for future industries, rather than just recipients of educational services. "Countries like Australia, Canada, Germany, and Japan regard international students as key players in sectors such as AI and semiconductors," Lim said. He advocated for establishing a seamless immigration pathway that connects study, work-integrated learning, employment, and settlement. He stressed the urgency for South Korea to develop a governance model that involves central and local governments, universities, and businesses, similar to Australia’s skilled migration model and Canada’s federal-provincial cooperation model.Focus Must Shift from Quantity to Quality in International Student PoliciesYoon Seung-yong, vice president of KCPUP and chair of the special committee on attracting, employing, and settling international students, expressed the urgent need for a change in focus. "The previous question was about how many students we could attract; now it must be about how we can connect education with employment and settlement," Yoon stated. He pointed out that private universities account for about 90% of all international students but face discrimination in support. He proposed several measures, including extending the job-seeking visa (D-10) period, introducing a fast track for permanent residency in STEM and regionally specialized industries, improving indicators for illegal stay rates, and establishing a control tower for international students led by the Prime Minister or Deputy Prime Minister.Competition for International Students, Opaque Visa Processes, and Warnings for the AI EraThe subsequent discussions revealed the challenges and systemic limitations faced by universities. Moon Sung-je, president of Sun Moon University, criticized the current certification system for internationalization, which requires a less than 1% undocumented rate, leading to excessive spending and effort by local universities. He noted, "Some universities even resort to secretly bringing in students from other institutions at night to persuade them to transfer, creating a vicious cycle where losing students leads to a higher undocumented rate and loss of certification." He also highlighted the need for reflection on how some universities operate with minimal classes while allowing students to work part-time, turning the Study Korea 300K program into a mere entry point for immigration. Lee Jeong-ki, president of Kosin University, raised concerns about the opaque visa review process by the Ministry of Justice and regional disparities. He lamented, "Even after months of interviews and selecting top students, the visa approval rates at local immigration offices are absurdly low, with rejection reasons often vague, leaving universities with no path for improvement." He suggested standardizing visa review criteria by region and proposed a decentralized visa system where universities handle initial administrative checks while the Ministry of Justice focuses on high-risk cases. Kang Hee-seong, president of Howon University, warned against the concentration of students in the capital region and called for responses to changes in the future industrial environment. He stated, "The fundamental reason why international students from local universities leave for the capital region or national universities after graduation is the lack of jobs and cultural opportunities for young people. Policies that simply provide jobs without considering local living conditions and cultural elements will not work." He added, "With the introduction of AI and humanoid robots, a significant portion of the workforce will be replaced, and the current talk of a '300,000 to 400,000 international student era' could peak and end in just 2-3 years. Immediate measures, such as improving tuition benefits that only apply to national universities and establishing regional visa privileges for international students, are urgently needed." The voices of international students were also heard. A student enrolled in the multicultural master's program at Ewha Womans University expressed, "International students in the humanities and social sciences are essential talents for supporting multicultural families and migrants, yet it takes months to obtain research assistant or part-time work permits, often requiring submission of the director's ID. The barriers are too high, and I urge that the voices of international students be reflected in policy-making."Call for a Major Shift in Perception and Administration; Data-Driven Policy Initiatives ExpectedIn response to these criticisms, government officials promised proactive reforms and a shift in perception. Choi Ha-young, director of the Ministry of Education's Internationalization Division, stated, "Beyond achieving the goal of attracting 300,000 students, we are preparing for a qualitative shift in how we nurture and settle international students. We will enhance practical math skills and raise the standards for language proficiency, while strictly managing universities that engage in indiscriminate recruitment or poor academic operations, such as holding classes only once a week." He also mentioned plans to announce a 'Foreign Student Talent Innovation Plan' soon, aimed at linking with regional strategic industries and enhancing the AI-based comprehensive study abroad system. Lee Hyang-sook, from the Ministry of Justice's Immigration Management Division, acknowledged the criticisms faced by the ministry during such discussions but emphasized that there is a concerted effort within the ministry to change perceptions and administration. She noted, "Despite the shortage of visa review personnel, we are working on building an AI-integrated visa consultation system and preparing to distribute a 'visa guide.' Additionally, data from five years of big data analysis shows that more than half of graduates find employment in the regions where their universities are located, which is encouraging. We will announce policies tailored to regional and field demands, including the establishment of a regional visa and expansion of E-7 employment categories, by September." 2026-08-21 18:28:00
Focus on Green Spaces: Rethinking Youth Housing Policies The real estate market is challenging, and so are housing policies. 황희, a member of the Democratic Party, proposed using decommissioned buses as temporary housing for young people but later withdrew the idea. A few days later, he suggested a mixed-use development combining housing with educational institutions. This proposal faced backlash from the education sector, with some suggesting that he should first build housing above the National Assembly where he works. This criticism reflects the standards the government has applied to Yongsan Park. Kim Yoon-deok, Minister of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, stated that areas like officer quarters, military apartments, and the former Defense Acquisition Program Administration site, which have lost their green space function, could be utilized. He also clarified that not all of the park would be developed. If the criteria for development are based on current usage, potential for functional repurposing, transportation conditions, and supply effects, what about the National Assembly, which is set to move to Sejong? Or sites like the National Cemetery, Seoul Forest, Seoul National University, Seocho Legal Town, and Gimpo Airport? These areas are also essential public spaces in Seoul, and repurposing them could yield significant housing quantities. However, even if they are not the primary function, the buildings and plazas at the National Cemetery serve part of their memorial function. The visitor center, sports facilities, and outdoor stage at Seoul Forest are also necessary for public use. Removing parts of these spaces would disrupt their overall function. If we apply the same standards used for Yongsan Park, should we judge all buildings and sites in Seoul solely on their potential for development? How much are existing aging government buildings and parking lots being utilized, and when can they be developed? Are there any public institutions or national universities that could be repurposed? Comparing supply quantities, project timelines, relocation costs, and infrastructure expansion costs, where does Yongsan Park rank? With today's AI technology, it would be possible to overlay land and building registries across Seoul and conduct such comparisons within hours. There is no reason to prioritize Yongsan Park and overlook other sites. A comprehensive survey is necessary to clarify the rationale behind selecting Yongsan as the first candidate. Land designated for parks shouldn't be repurposed for housing. Yongsan Park is a long-term project aimed at converting land previously occupied by military bases and various buildings back into parkland. If land with existing buildings is deemed suitable for housing, there would have been little land available to create parks from the start. The government has mentioned sites that have not yet been developed into parks. If we judge them solely based on their current state and conclude they have lost their green space function, we risk undermining the future value of the park. In 2021, the Ministry of Land expanded the area of Yongsan Park from 2.43 million square meters to 3 million square meters. The former Defense Acquisition Program Administration site and military apartments were intentionally included in the park. Plans are in place to create green spaces connecting Namsan and Yongsan Park, and to incorporate cultural and artistic functions into valuable existing buildings. By placing land incorporated into the park five years ago on the housing construction list simply because it is not yet green space, the government has altered the definition of green space to suit its needs. The argument that even a portion of the 3 million square meters of Yongsan Park could accommodate housing while still preserving significant green space is worth considering. There is a substantial need to provide youth housing in the heart of Seoul, where jobs and transportation converge. The government must disclose the impact on the planned green space and alternative sites. It should also reveal the net increase in housing, supply timelines, cleanup costs, and project expenses. The locations of officer quarters, military apartments, and the former Defense Acquisition Program Administration site should be marked on a map, along with the buildings that will remain. Without such comparisons, merely repeating that areas have “lost their green space function” raises suspicions that the government predetermined Yongsan as the first choice and adjusted the criteria accordingly. The government must clarify its housing plans before proceeding. Amid discussions of Yongsan Park and youth housing, vague figures of 10,000 to 20,000 housing units have been floated. However, the government has not provided details on the types of housing, rental prices, duration of residence, or floor area. There are also no visible plans for management fees or deposit protection measures. Consequently, even if youth housing is established, it remains unclear what kind of living conditions will be provided for young people. While the government focuses on supply numbers, the energy-zero housing project completed in 2017 in Nowon District offers a new direction. This 121-unit complex, which combines seven-story apartments with two- to three-story townhouses, has demonstrated significant reductions in management costs through external insulation, triple-glazed windows, and solar and geothermal systems. Investing more in initial construction costs can turn eco-friendly housing into a policy that lowers living expenses for young people. It is hoped that the government does not intend to limit youth housing to just studio apartments. Even young people who arrive in Seoul with little money will eventually find jobs after education or vocational training and become contributing members of society. A life-cycle model that accommodates these individuals should also be considered. Youth housing should not be temporary accommodations that push people out once they reach a certain age; it should be the first step in starting a life in a community. Simply placing many small homes in a desirable location like Yongsan does not guarantee quality youth housing. As the Blue House stated, while it is important to utilize valuable land effectively, there must also be consideration for other possibilities and the content of the housing itself. The government has yet to answer what kind of homes it plans to build. Is it truly creating homes where young people can live for an extended period? Or is it merely a signboard for the next real estate policy that states, 'We also provided housing in Yongsan Park'?* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 18:00:00
Chung Dong-young: Trump's Actions Signal Change on Korean Peninsula Chung Dong-young, the Minister of Unification, stated on August 21 that President Donald Trump's push for a North Korea-U.S. summit signifies a significant shift on the Korean Peninsula. During a meeting with leaders from seven major religious groups held at 'Dalgaebi' in Jung-gu, Chung expressed cautious optimism, saying, "It is too early to be either optimistic or pessimistic," while sharing his hopes for the summit.Reflecting on the past year and three months since the new government took office, he acknowledged efforts made but noted they were insufficient. He added, "If the North Korea-U.S. summit takes place as expected, it could serve as a turning point for redefining the situation on the Korean Peninsula and the surrounding Northeast Asian dynamics."Chung emphasized to the religious leaders that strength comes from unity with the people, stating, "The efforts of the seven major religious groups for peace and stability have not resonated until now, and it is time for both the government and civil society to make concerted efforts."Regarding the issue of referring to North Korea by its official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or its abbreviation, 'North Korea,' he suggested that public sentiment should be considered. He stated, "Rather than the government taking the lead, it is necessary to wait until public opinion matures."He mentioned that last month, religious elders proposed the official naming of North Korea, noting, "The elders of the seven major religious groups were the first to open the discussion on this issue," and added, "If the seven major religious groups take the lead, it may further activate public discourse."Earlier, during a briefing at the Blue House on August 5, Chung reported that referring to North Korea by its official name could be a 'first step' toward mutual respect between the two Koreas. However, President Lee Jae-myung urged caution, citing concerns about potential negative repercussions.Meanwhile, Chung spoke with reporters at the Government Seoul Complex, stating, "I feel that it is not just sparks moving, but the tectonic plates of Northeast Asia are shifting."He expressed his frustrations over the past year, saying, "As the Minister of Unification, I have felt truly frustrated. I took on the role of Minister of Unification for the second time with the determination to break the entrenched situation, but it has been insufficient and a time of great disappointment."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 18:00:00
Gimhae City Allocates 2.83 Trillion Won for First Supplementary Budget of 2026 to Support Livelihood Recovery Gimhae City in South Gyeongsang Province announced on August 21 that it has submitted a supplementary budget plan of 2.83 trillion won for 2026 to the city council, representing a 14.4% increase over the original budget.This supplementary budget is 356.5 billion won higher than the original budget of 2.48 trillion won. Compared to last year's first supplementary budget increase of 230.3 billion won, this figure reflects a 54.8% surge, indicating a strong commitment to inject funds to counteract the local economic downturn.In terms of accounting, the general account has been increased by 346.9 billion won (16.7%) to 2.42 trillion won, while the special account has risen by 9.6 billion won (2.4%) to 417.6 billion won. The funding sources include surplus funds from the 2025 fiscal year, increased transfer revenues such as grants and adjustment grants, adjustments in expenditure budgets, and deposits from the integrated financial stabilization fund.A key component of this supplementary budget is the 'Gimhae Citizen Livelihood Recovery Support Fund,' which Mayor Jeong Yeong-du directed as his first official decision. The city plans to allocate 54.5 billion won entirely from its budget to provide 100,000 won to each citizen without relying on national or provincial funds.Eligible recipients include all registered residents and some foreign residents, totaling approximately 545,000 individuals. The support will be distributed in a 60-40 ratio using local love gift certificates and prepaid cards to stimulate local businesses.Additionally, the budget includes measures to revitalize local commercial districts, allocating 28 billion won for the issuance of local love gift certificates worth 1.425 trillion won and an additional 1.6 billion won for small business support programs.Despite the large budget allocation, the city will not issue local bonds. Instead, it will borrow 16 billion won at a low interest rate of 0.7% from the integrated financial stabilization fund, which has surplus funds from the waterworks enterprise special account.A city official stated, "We are not halting ongoing projects to borrow funds; rather, we are temporarily utilizing surplus funds that are mismatched in timing from departments that are not executing projects immediately. The borrowed amount will be fully repaid in the next year's original budget."The budget also includes significant allocations for infrastructure to mitigate the impact of high oil prices and meet essential administrative needs. This includes 5.4 billion won for fuel subsidies for the transportation sector, 6 billion won for public transportation refunds, and 12.5 billion won for improvements to city bus operations. Additionally, welfare budgets have been increased by 81.7 billion won (including national and provincial funds) and 8.9 billion won for cleaning service fees.Furthermore, to enhance disaster preparedness and local infrastructure, the budget includes allocations for building infrastructure for strategic industries such as future vehicles (3 billion won), improving natural disaster risk areas (5.3 billion won), maintaining small rivers (1.1 billion won), replacing the control panel at the Samjeong rainwater pump station (700 million won), and managing reservoirs and agricultural water (700 million won).The first supplementary budget plan is set to be finalized after deliberation by the Gimhae City Council from September 1 to 10, with a final decision expected on September 11.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-08-21 18:00:00