Journalist

Jungwoo Lee
  • A Korean love story, made in Nigeria: The new face of Korea–Africa relations
    A Korean love story, made in Nigeria: The new face of Korea–Africa relations SEOUL, April 10 (AJP) - A poor but spirited girl, who by chance ends up attending a private high school for elite students, falls in love with a wealthy fellow student. It sounds like the plot of a Korean drama, but this is in fact the storyline of the Nigerian film My Sunshine – Korean Naija. Directed by Nigerian rapper and television producer JJC Skillz, it was written by actress Kemi Ikuseedun who also plays the protagonist Charis. The setting is the Korean-language school that Charis attends. On her first day, the principal praises Korean as "the best language in the world." Korean phrases such as ajik hangug-eo jalhaeyo (I’m still good at Korean) and jinjja jalsaenggyeosseo, eotteokhae (He is so cute—oh my God) appear continuously throughout the film's 1-hour-15-minute runtime. The film drew 609,000 views within nine days of its release on YouTube in late 2024 and has since surpassed 1.4 million views as of Friday. Such interest would have been difficult to imagine even a decade ago. The numbers point to South Korea's presence in Africa as no longer defined solely by trade or diplomacy, but increasingly by culture. "K-content should be seen not merely as a cultural phenomenon, but also as a form of soft infrastructure that lowers barriers to market entry," said Choi Doo-young, a professor at the Graduate School of International and Area Studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. The Cultural Entry Point The rise of My Sunshine – Korean Naija illustrates how Korean narratives have become locally adaptable. In Nigeria, one of the world's largest film industries, Korean storytelling conventions have been absorbed, reinterpreted, and re-exported in a distinctly African context. This is not simply imitation. It reflects a deeper cultural alignment. Across parts of Africa, K-pop and K-dramas have built a following among younger audiences, creating familiarity with Korean language, aesthetics, and social norms. That familiarity carries economic implications. Cultural affinity often translates into consumer behavior: demand for Korean cosmetics, electronics, food, and digital services. In this sense, culture is not an accessory to economic engagement—it is a precursor. Kim Sung-soo, director of the Institute for Euro-African Studies (IEAS) at Hanyang University, argues that Korea's cultural reach gives it a unique advantage over competitors. "In Africa, people see Korea as a country that was once colonized and poor but has achieved remarkable success. That creates emotional resonance," Kim said. A Different Model from China For years, Africa's external partnerships have been dominated by China, whose influence is visible in large-scale infrastructure projects across the continent. But that model has increasingly come under scrutiny. "Most Chinese assistance is effectively tied aid," Kim said. "It often comes in the form of loans, with Chinese companies, materials, and labor brought in. As a result, local markets do not develop." The critique is not that infrastructure is unnecessary. The concern is that such projects can leave behind debt without fostering sustainable local industries. Korea's approach, by contrast, is emerging as more integrated and potentially more sustainable. Rather than focusing narrowly on construction, Korean engagement increasingly combines industrial development, technology transfer, and human capital formation. "Korea's economic engagement with Africa is now evolving beyond the simple securing of raw materials," Choi said. "It is increasingly taking the form of a more integrated model that brings together industry, technology, and institutions." Digital Leapfrogging One of the clearest areas of alignment between Korea and Africa is digital transformation. Unlike industrialized economies, many African countries are not constrained by legacy systems. This allows them to leapfrog directly into digital governance, mobile finance, and platform-based economies. "Africa is actively pursuing digital innovation," Kim noted. "In this area, Korean technology remains more advanced than China's." Korea's experience in building e-government systems, customs platforms, and digital infrastructure makes it a natural partner. These systems not only improve administrative efficiency but also create the institutional foundation for private-sector growth. Companies like Samsung and LG are already participating in the development of smart cities and digital communities across the continent, embedding Korean technology into everyday life. Green Growth and Shared Challenges Climate change represents another area of convergence. Africa contributes less than 4 percent of global carbon emissions but bears a disproportionate share of the consequences, from droughts to floods and displacement. This has pushed many governments toward green growth strategies, emphasizing renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, and climate resilience. Korea, with its strong base in green technology and renewable energy firms, is well positioned to contribute. According to Kim, the country has more than 80,000 companies in environmentally related sectors. Initiatives such as the K-Ricebelt Project, introducing improved rice varieties and smart farming techniques, demonstrate how this cooperation can address both food security and environmental sustainability. From Resources to Value Chains As global supply chains shift, Africa's importance to Korea is also growing. The continent holds significant reserves of critical minerals such as cobalt, lithium, nickel, and graphite, which are essential for batteries, semiconductors, and renewable energy systems. Securing access to these resources is becoming a strategic priority for Korea. But the Korean model, Choi argues, is not limited to extraction. "The strength lies in building cooperation across the value chain, including refining, processing, and technology transfer," he said. This approach aligns with Africa's own development goals, which increasingly emphasize industrialization and local value addition rather than raw material exports. The Role of Startups Beyond large corporations, startups are emerging as a critical bridge between Korea and Africa. Africa's startup ecosystems, from fintech in Nigeria and Kenya to climate tech across the continent, are expanding rapidly. At the same time, Korean startups face barriers in entering mature markets such as the United States and Europe. "Africa is a land of opportunity for Korean startups," Kim said, pointing to the growing number of startup conventions across the continent. Collaboration in areas such as digital platforms, smart agriculture, and renewable energy could create mutually beneficial ecosystems, linking Korean innovation with African demand. Culture as Strategy The success of My Sunshine – Korean Naija ultimately reveals something fundamental: culture is no longer peripheral to geopolitics. It is central to it. Korea's engagement with Africa is not built on overwhelming financial power. As Kim acknowledged, "We cannot compete with China's capital." Instead, it rests on a different set of assets: cultural familiarity, shared historical experiences, technological capability, and a development model that many African countries find relatable. In a global landscape shaped by competition among major powers, this combination may offer Africa a distinct alternative. "Economic cooperation between Korea and Africa should not be viewed as an extension of aid, but rather as a partnership for joint industrialization," Choi said. And if a Nigerian high school romance conducted partly in Korean can capture the imagination of so many, it suggests that this partnership is already taking root, not in conference rooms, but in culture. 2026-04-10 17:27:56
  • Seoul seeks clarity on Hormuz terms as fee risks grow
    Seoul seeks clarity on Hormuz terms as fee risks grow SEOUL, April 09 (AJP) - Seoul is bracing for the inevitability — payments to transit the Strait of Hormuz — expected to push up fuel prices by about 0.5 percent, as it seeks clarity from Tehran while exploring alternative routes to secure Middle East energy supplies. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Thursday that a call between Foreign Minister Cho Hyun and Abbas Araghchi is being arranged and could take place as early as later in the day. The talks are expected to focus on the terms for navigating the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran has indicated that traffic during the two-week ceasefire will be overseen by its armed forces. According to foreign reports and data from S&P Global Market Intelligence, only four vessels were allowed to pass through the waterway on Wednesday, sharply down from more than 100 per day before the conflict. Iran is said to be requiring ships to pre-arrange transit terms and settle fees in cryptocurrency or Chinese yuan, though such conditions have not been officially confirmed. Cho is expected to seek clarification on reported requirements, including coordination with Iranian forces and unspecified “technical limitations.” Seoul is also expected to inquire whether potential measures such as transit fees or joint collection mechanisms mentioned by the United States have any concrete basis. Despite a ceasefire between Washington and Tehran, vessels remain stranded in the strategic waterway, including 26 South Korean ships. Officials say clearer conditions are needed before plans can be finalized to ensure safe passage. “We are prioritizing the safety of our vessels and crew while consulting with relevant countries,” a ministry spokesperson said, reiterating Seoul’s position that freedom of navigation must be guaranteed. The uncertainty comes amid broader questions over the U.S.-Iran ceasefire. U.S. President Donald Trump described the truce as a “total and complete victory” and suggested that most elements of a broader agreement had already been settled. However, key details remain unclear, including the handling of Iran’s enriched uranium and the exact terms for reopening the strait. Trump also indicated that China may have played a role in bringing Iran to the negotiating table, highlighting Beijing’s influence as a major buyer of Iranian oil. South Korea’s Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy estimated that if a transit fee of around $1 per barrel is introduced, global oil prices could rise by about 1 percent. Given that roughly half of domestic fuel prices consist of taxes, this would translate into an estimated 0.5 percent increase in consumer fuel costs. Officials cautioned that multiple variables remain, including whether Iran will impose such fees and how the international community would respond. There have been no confirmed requests for payment, and reports of alternative settlement methods such as cryptocurrency remain unverified. In the meantime, Seoul is exploring alternative supply routes and sources. Presidential Chief of Staff Kang Hoon-sik has arrived in Kazakhstan as part of an energy diplomacy mission and is scheduled to visit Oman and Saudi Arabia. 2026-04-09 17:38:43
  • North Korea tests cluster warhead on short-range ballistic missile, KCNA reports
    North Korea tests cluster warhead on short-range ballistic missile, KCNA reports SEOUL, April 09 (AJP) -North Korea has tested a cluster warhead mounted on a short-range ballistic missile, a weapon that has drawn renewed attention after Iran reportedly used similar munitions that challenged Israel’s air defense systems during the Middle East conflict. The move suggests Pyongyang may be seeking to enhance its strike capabilities by incorporating cluster payloads into its existing missile systems. According to the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), North Korea conducted a series of weapons tests from Monday to Wednesday, including the launch of a short-range ballistic missile (SRBM) equipped with a cluster-type warhead. The warhead was mounted on the Hwasong-11Ga, also known as KN-23, a tactical ballistic missile often compared to Russia’s Iskander system. KCNA said the test confirmed the missile’s ability to “completely devastate” a target area of about 6.5 to 7 hectares by dispersing high-density submunitions. The area is roughly equivalent to 10 soccer fields. The term “scatter warhead” used by North Korea refers to cluster munitions, which release multiple smaller explosives over a wide area. South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said North Korea launched multiple SRBMs from the Wonsan area on Wednesday. One missile, fired at around 8:50 a.m., flew about 240 kilometers before landing in waters near Al Island. Another, launched at approximately 2:20 p.m., traveled more than 700 kilometers and landed in international waters between Russia and Japan. South Korean analysts said one of the recent tests may be linked to an unidentified projectile launched on Tuesday that appeared to fail shortly after takeoff. North Korean leader Kim Jong-un was not reported to have attended the tests, and no related images were released. The tests were also not featured in domestic propaganda outlets such as Rodong Sinmun or Korean Central Broadcasting. North Korea has previously tested cluster-type warheads. In November 2022, it said it had conducted a similar test in response to the U.S.-South Korea joint air exercise “Vigilant Storm.” Cluster munitions are widely criticized for their indiscriminate impact and long-term risks to civilians. Submunitions can fail to detonate on impact, leaving behind unexploded ordnance. In 2008, more than 100 countries adopted the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM), which bans their use, production and transfer. However, several major military powers — including the United States, China, Russia and Israel — have not joined the treaty. Neither South Korea nor North Korea are signatories. The humanitarian impact of cluster munitions has been documented in past conflicts. During the 2006 Lebanon War, Israel reportedly used millions of submunitions, with a significant number failing to explode and causing civilian casualties in the years that followed. Cluster munitions, sometimes referred to as “steel rain,” remain in the arsenals of several countries despite ongoing international criticism. 2026-04-09 15:34:55
  • Seoul advised to seek risk-free energy sourcing at first NEAC meeting
    Seoul advised to seek risk-free energy sourcing at first NEAC meeting SEOUL, April 09 (AJP) -South Korean President Lee Jae Myung admitted Thursday that the escalating Middle East conflict will deliver near-term economic damage while forcing a longer-term overhaul of the country’s industrial and energy structure. Speaking at the first plenary session of the National Economic Advisory Council at Cheong Wa Dae, Lee said the crisis is unfolding on two fronts — an immediate energy supply disruption and a broader erosion of industrial competitiveness. “In the short term, the Middle East war is exerting considerable pressure on our economy,” Lee said. “In the long run, the time has come for a fundamental transformation of South Korea’s economic system.” The remarks came as uncertainty deepens around the Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery for global oil flows, with supply conditions remaining unstable despite a temporary ceasefire announcement by Donald Trump. Reports of renewed disruptions have underscored the fragility of any near-term normalization. Lee said the nature of the current crisis differs from past oil shocks, noting that infrastructure damage across parts of the region could prolong disruptions for years rather than months. He also pointed to unresolved nuclear tensions and the risk of unilateral military action as factors sustaining volatility. “Crises are inevitable in life and society,” he said. “Even today, there are reports of attacks despite a ceasefire. It is difficult to predict when this situation will be resolved.” The meeting — Lee’s first full session as chair since taking office — brought together around 50 participants, including Vice Chair Kim Sung-sik, Deputy Prime Minister Koo Yun-cheol and other senior officials and civilian advisors. Discussions focused on immediate response measures and longer-term structural reforms to strengthen economic resilience. Lee urged a coordinated policy response across time horizons, stressing that the current “window” created by the ceasefire should be treated as a critical opportunity to secure energy supplies. “If we prepare well, we can turn this crisis into an opportunity to build a new system for renewed growth,” he said. Policy discussions outlined a broad package of measures centered on energy security, industrial adaptation and market stabilization. In the near term, officials emphasized the need to maximize crude procurement during any reopening of Hormuz, including immediate deployment of tankers, while maintaining price controls such as fuel caps to stabilize domestic markets. Authorities are also considering adjustments to nuclear power plant maintenance schedules to maximize winter electricity generation. To cushion households, proposals included targeted fiscal support for energy costs, expanded supplementary budget allocations for small businesses, and even temporary public transport subsidies modeled on overseas cases. Over the medium to long term, the focus shifts to restructuring supply chains and reducing reliance on Middle Eastern crude. Options under review include diversifying import routes via Southeast Asia and Australia, enhancing refinery flexibility, and expanding overseas resource development into higher value-added partnerships. Park Won-joo, head of the macroeconomy team at the council, called for a more aggressive push into overseas resource development to secure alternative, lower-risk energy routes that bypass Middle East chokepoints. The discussions also highlighted the need for stronger policy coordination under a centralized presidential control tower, alongside more transparent and predictable regulatory frameworks to support private investment. Lee framed the crisis as a potential inflection point, drawing parallels to how Japan’s export restrictions helped catalyze South Korea’s materials and components sector. “The crisis can become a turning point,” he said, “to reorganize our energy supply chain and move toward a more proactive economic structure.” 2026-04-09 11:55:54
  • Africas moment, however fragile, opens opportunities for Korea
    Africa's moment, however fragile, opens opportunities for Korea SEOUL, April 08 (AJP) - Asia has long dominated as the global economy’s growth engine, but Africa may be emerging as a formidable contender. Sub-Saharan Africa is projected to outpace Asia this year. According to the International Monetary Fund, the region’s real GDP is expected to grow 4.5 percent in 2026, compared with Asia’s 4.1 percent. Some economies are expanding rapidly: Guinea is forecast to grow 10.5 percent, Uganda 7.6 percent and Ethiopia 7.1 percent. Capital is also taking notice. Flows jumped 75 percent in 2024 to a record $97 billion, with North African economies drawing particularly strong inflows. By contrast, foreign direct investment into Asia has stagnated, falling from $662 billion in 2022 to $605 billion in 2024. The overall picture points to a continent on the rise — increasingly central to the global economy amid shifting geopolitics and supply chains. Yet beneath the headline growth lies a more complex and uncertain reality. Africa’s recent momentum cannot be explained by a single factor. It reflects a mix of demographic change, policy experimentation, commodity cycles and technological adaptation. “Current fast growth in several African economies reflects a combination of structural and cyclical factors rather than a single model,” said Anthony Butler, a professor at the University of Cape Town. At a basic level, many African economies are benefiting from “catch-up growth,” starting from a low base and achieving rapid gains through capital accumulation, labor shifts and the adoption of existing technologies. Urbanization is also playing a key role. Rapidly expanding cities are driving demand for housing, transport, finance and retail, with growth increasingly supported by domestic consumption rather than exports alone. At the same time, technological “leapfrogging” is reshaping development. Mobile money, digital platforms and off-grid solar systems have expanded access to finance and electricity, often more efficiently than traditional infrastructure. These gains, however, are uneven. While some countries have diversified their growth engines, others remain heavily dependent on natural resources. In Guinea, bauxite exports are driving expansion. In Uganda, oil development is attracting investment. In Ethiopia, a state-led, infrastructure-focused model has delivered strong short- to medium-term growth. Historically, Butler noted, African growth has been tied to “oil, gas and mineral resources, together with agricultural commodities” — a pattern that remains volatile. Shifting external finance One of the most notable recent changes is in the composition of external finance. Foreign aid to sub-Saharan Africa has declined sharply, following sharp cuts by the United States. According to the OECD, assistance from advanced economies fell by as much as a quarter last year. China — once a major lender — has shifted from issuing new loans to recovering existing ones. Private investment has stepped into the gap. The surge in foreign direct investment reflects growing confidence in Africa’s long-term prospects, particularly in energy, infrastructure and manufacturing. North African economies such as Morocco and Tunisia have attracted significant inflows tied to industrial development and export-oriented production. Africa has also emerged as a “tariff refuge” in global manufacturing. Some Chinese firms have relocated production to African countries to benefit from trade preferences when exporting to the United States and Europe. But that advantage is already under pressure. Recent U.S. tariff policies, including a broad 10 percent baseline tariff, are eroding the competitiveness of such arrangements. The result is a shifting external environment where opportunities are expanding — but so are uncertainties. Structural constraints persist Despite visible dynamism, the underlying structure of many African economies has changed less than growth figures suggest. More than 90 percent of exports from sub-Saharan Africa remain unprocessed raw materials, according to Howard Stein, a professor at the University of Michigan. This reflects a deeply entrenched position at the lower end of the global value chain. “The continent…has found itself as the exporter of raw materials at the bottom of the international value chain,” Stein said. But commodity-driven growth generates limited employment and is highly sensitive to global price swings. When prices rise, economies expand; when they fall, growth slows or reverses, often triggering fiscal stress. These cycles are compounded by Africa’s position in the global financial system. African economies typically operate with “weak” or “junk” currencies, in Stein’s words, and must rely on hard currencies such as the U.S. dollar to finance imports and stabilize their economies. This creates structural dependence on external capital and limits policy autonomy. “The key characteristic of the global financial architecture is the hierarchy of currencies,” Stein said, noting that the dollar’s dominance confers advantages on the United States while constraining others. When external shocks hit, countries often face balance-of-payments crises, forcing them to seek IMF support — often tied to austerity measures that can undermine long-term growth. The result is a “vicious cycle” in which commodity dependence reinforces itself. Growth amid global uncertainty Even current growth projections come with caveats. Stein noted that IMF forecasts were made before escalating geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, including conflict involving Iran — developments that could disrupt oil markets and global stability. “Forecasts are even more problematic when you are in the middle of a war…with unknown implications,” he said. At the same time, shifting U.S. trade policy and broader geopolitical fragmentation are introducing new uncertainties that disproportionately affect regions like Africa, which remain closely tied to external markets and financial systems. In this context, short-term growth figures may obscure deeper vulnerabilities. Demographics: opportunity and risk If Africa’s present is shaped by structural constraints, its future may be defined by demographics. The continent’s population — currently about 20 percent of the global total — is expected to reach nearly 28 percent by 2050. “A young and rapidly growing population is expanding both the labor force and consumer markets,” said Edwin Muchapondwa, an economics professor at the University of Cape Town. In theory, this “demographic dividend” could support sustained growth. In practice, it depends on job creation — which has often lagged population growth. Urbanization is already transforming economies, fueling demand for services such as retail, transport and telecommunications. But without sufficient industrialization and employment, rapid population growth risks deepening inequality and social tension. Africa is set to become the world’s fastest-urbanizing region. According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, six cities — Cairo, Kinshasa, Lagos, Greater Johannesburg, Luanda and Dar es Salaam — are projected to exceed 10 million people by 2035. These urban centers are hubs of innovation, but also flashpoints for protests linked to corruption, taxation, unemployment and dissatisfaction with political leadership. By 2035, more than half of Africa’s population will live in cities, with the urban population approaching 1 billion, up from around 650 million in 2023. The continent is also expected to have 17 cities with populations above 5 million and around 100 exceeding 1 million. Addis Ababa is projected to grow fastest, followed by Kampala, Dar es Salaam and Abidjan. The EIU also highlights emerging “megalopolises,” including a 600km corridor along the West African coast from Abidjan to Lagos that could house more than 50 million people by 2035, alongside clusters in Egypt, South Africa, East Africa and North Africa. At the core of Africa’s economic debate is a central question: how to move from extraction to value creation. Governments are increasingly seeking to develop downstream industries — processing raw materials domestically rather than exporting them unrefined, and this is where Korea can define its role in the continent, according to experts. Africa holds significant reserves of minerals essential for electric vehicles, renewable energy and digital technologies – all crucial to power Korean Inc. Tanzania’s Kabanga nickel deposit, for example, is among the world’s largest undeveloped reserves. Experts advise South Korea to capitalize on this momentum, leveraging its experience in industrial transformation. The challenge is not simply extraction, but capturing value. “A major drive on the continent is to move beyond extraction,” Butler said, warning that without such efforts, Africa risks repeating patterns where external actors capture disproportionate gains. Achieving this shift will require improvements in infrastructure, governance and institutional capacity — areas where progress remains uneven. Unlike China, South Korea is often seen as a more adaptable model. Its rapid development was driven by export-led industrialization, strong state capacity, investment in education and close government-industry coordination. “The key lessons may be to build capable institutions, focus on exports, invest in skills, and pursue gradual industrial upgrading,” Butler said. However, he cautioned that African countries often lack the political cohesion and institutional depth that underpinned Korea’s experience. Simply replicating its model without adaptation could be counterproductive. “The most effective approach would be one that supports local capacity-building…engages African states as strategic partners,” said Bulelani Jili of Georgetown University. Geopolitical tensions are also opening space for new alliances. “There is the possibility for independently minded nations to generate new alliances,” Stein said, pointing to opportunities for cooperation that could help diversify and strengthen Africa’s industrial base. Africa’s growth story has long been cyclical — marked by optimism followed by setbacks driven by external shocks or internal constraints. Whether this time is different depends on whether growth can translate into structural transformation: moving up the value chain, building resilient institutions and creating inclusive systems. As Jili put it, the key question is not whether Africa will grow — but “what kind of growth is being produced, and who benefits from it.” 2026-04-08 16:48:20
  • Norths Kim makes a rare approving remark on Souths Lee
    North's Kim makes a rare approving remark on South's Lee SEOUL, April 07 (AJP) - North Korean leader Kim Jong-un on Monday made a rare approving remark about his South Korean counterpart, according to his sister Kim Yo-jong, who serves as vice department director of the Workers’ Party of Korea. Earlier in the day, South Korean President Lee Jae Myung expressed regret during a Cabinet meeting over a cross-border drone incident. Hours later, Kim Yo-jong said “our leader” viewed Lee’s response as stemming from an “honest and broad-minded” character. In a statement carried by the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), Kim Yo-jong said Pyongyang regarded Lee as “wise” for directly expressing regret and pledging steps to prevent a recurrence. She added that Kim Jong-un had taken note of Lee’s response in a positive light. Pyongyang nevertheless warned against any provocative acts and ruled out any immediate effort to resume inter-Korean contact. 2026-04-07 15:24:06
  • Trump sets Hormuz deadline, singles out South Korea over Iran war support
    Trump sets Hormuz deadline, singles out South Korea over Iran war support SEOUL, April 07 (AJP)-U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday reiterated a deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz by 8 p.m. Tuesday, warning of military action while again singling out South Korea, saying Washington had received little help from its allies. “The entire country can be taken out in one night, and that night might be tomorrow night,” Trump said at a White House press briefing, as he pressed Tehran to accept a deal to restore oil transit. Iran, however, rejected a temporary cease-fire proposal tied to reopening the Strait of Hormuz, with state media saying Tehran would not trade access to the waterway for a short-term truce and instead demanded a permanent end to the war and broader concessions. At the same briefing, he broadened his criticism beyond Iran to U.S. allies. “It’s not just NATO… Do you know who else didn’t help us? South Korea,” he said. Trump tied the complaint directly to U.S. troop deployments on the Korean Peninsula. “We have 45,000 soldiers in South Korea… right next to Kim Jong Un, who has a lot of nuclear weapons,” he said, again overstating the American presence. U.S. Forces Korea stands at roughly 28,500 personnel. The remarks come as Seoul has yet to respond to Washington’s earlier request to dispatch naval assets to help secure the Strait of Hormuz, a key global energy chokepoint. Trump reiterated that reopening the strait is central to any agreement. “We have to have a deal that’s acceptable to me… and part of the deal’s going to be we want free traffic of oil, and everything else,” he said. He warned that failure to meet the deadline would trigger strikes on Iran’s infrastructure. “We have a plan… where every bridge in Iran will be decimated… where every power plant in Iran will be out of business,” he said. Trump extended similar criticism to Japan and Australia, while reiterating his dissatisfaction with NATO, which he described as ineffective, adding that Russian President Vladimir Putin “is not afraid of NATO, but he is afraid of the United States.” In contrast, he praised Gulf partners including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Kuwait, calling their stance “excellent.” Trump also reiterated his personal rapport with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, saying the two “get along very well” and that Kim “likes me.” 2026-04-07 09:02:17
  • Seoul in a bind as Tehran imposes selective screening for Hormuz access
    Seoul in a bind as Tehran imposes selective screening for Hormuz access SEOUL, April 06 (AJP) - Iran is allowing a trickle of vessels through the Strait of Hormuz under a selective access regime, with ships linked to "friendly" nations securing passage while South Korean tankers remain stranded, exposing Seoul's limited leverage in the deepening energy crisis. At least 15 ships transited the chokepoint over the past 24 hours with prior authorization from Tehran, a fraction of normal traffic, underscoring tight controls imposed after the outbreak of war. Recent crossings have included vessels tied to Japan, France and Oman, as well as Malaysia-linked tankers carrying Iraqi crude, suggesting nationality, ownership structure and diplomatic ties are increasingly determining access. By contrast, 26 South Korean vessels carrying 173 crew members remain stuck in the Gulf, with operators opting to wait rather than risk passage without clear security guarantees. Iran has framed the restrictions as targeted, saying the waterway is "closed only to enemies," while continuing to permit limited transit for countries maintaining workable ties with Tehran. The result is a de facto tiered system in one of the world's most critical energy corridors, which normally handles about one-fifth of global oil and LNG flows. The disparity has fueled criticism in Seoul that rivals are moving faster — and more flexibly — to secure passage. Japanese-linked vessels that cleared the strait were tied to entities in Oman and India, while a French container ship also transited, highlighting how indirect affiliations may be key to navigating Iran's rules. Seoul, however, has largely stuck to a multilateral approach, emphasizing coordination with allies and adherence to international norms rather than bilateral engagement with Tehran. "Conditions differ by ship and country," the foreign ministry said, adding that safety remains the top priority. "We maintain that freedom of navigation and safety for all vessels, including ours, must be promptly guaranteed in accordance with international norms, and we are communicating and cooperating with relevant countries to that end." That caution is now colliding with mounting political pressure, with lawmakers calling for more proactive diplomacy — including identifying vessels with potential ties to neutral or Iran-friendly countries to secure exemptions. The partial blockade — triggered by U.S.-Israeli strikes in late February — has at times slashed traffic through Hormuz by more than 90 percent, sending shockwaves through global energy markets and raising the risk of prolonged disruption. For South Korea, which relies heavily on Middle Eastern energy imports, the immediate question is no longer whether the strait will reopen — but how, and through whom, its supplies will get through. "The situation in the Middle East is extremely volatile, changing day by day. Neither Korea nor Japan can ignore the United States' position," said Rep. Kim Young-bae of the ruling Democratic Party. Another DP lawmaker, Yoon Hu-deok, defended the government's approach. "Even Japan has not achieved results through direct government negotiations with Iran… We must protect the lives of our citizens, the crew, and their property." The opposition took a sharper tone. "Our government has not been proactive enough on the issue of Hormuz transit," said Rep. Kim Gunn of the opposition People Power Party. "When the UK, France, and Japan issued a joint statement, we did not join promptly. Korea should be leading, not following." He added that Seoul should identify vessels with ties to countries such as Oman or Iran and pursue joint negotiations, noting that "so far, we have not seen concrete, proactive efforts from the government." The coming days may prove decisive, as the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz is critical for the Korean economy. With the National Assembly's Foreign Affairs and Unification Committee expected to convene next week, pressure is building for Seoul to craft a clearer strategy — one that can navigate Iran's selective access regime and the broader geopolitical fault lines shaping one of the world's most vital shipping lanes if tensions persist. 2026-04-06 17:02:35
  • Seoul eyes alternative routes, envoys to Gulf as Hormuz disruption persists
    Seoul eyes alternative routes, envoys to Gulf as Hormuz disruption persists SEOUL, April 06 (AJP) - South Korea is exploring alternative shipping routes — including the Houthi-risk Red Sea — and preparing diplomatic outreach to major oil producers, as officials brace for prolonged supply disruptions from the Middle East conflict likely to extend through April. The shift reflects growing concern that instability in the Strait of Hormuz — a chokepoint handling roughly one-fifth of global oil and LNG trade — will not ease quickly, forcing Seoul to secure supplies through risk-managed detours while broadening external partnerships. Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan on Monday briefed the government will support private-sector efforts to secure additional crude volumes, including permitting qualified tankers to transit the Red Sea. “We will back efforts to secure extra volumes, including allowing oil tankers that meet certain conditions to pass through the Red Sea in coordination with the Oceans Ministry,” Kim said at a Cabinet meeting chaired by President Lee Jae Myung. Oceans Minister Hwang Jong-woo said authorities have already cleared eligible vessels after confirming shipment contracts and will continue approvals as additional cargoes are secured. The Red Sea route bypasses Hormuz via Saudi Arabia’s Yanbu port, supplied through a 1,200-kilometer east-west pipeline from the kingdom’s eastern oil fields. But the workaround comes with limits: Yanbu can process about 5 million barrels per day, far below volumes typically flowing through Hormuz. The corridor itself remains exposed. The Bab el-Mandeb Strait — a narrow passage linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden — carries about 15 percent of global seaborne oil trade and remains vulnerable to disruption by Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi forces. Foreign Minister Cho Hyun said a full blockade appears unlikely, but warned of persistent risks. “The Houthis appear to lack the capability to fully shut down the strait. However, sporadic attacks intended to intimidate are entirely possible,” he said. President Lee framed the situation as a necessary trade-off. “There are not many alternative import routes, and if we completely block them due to some level of risk, it could seriously affect the country’s overall oil supply,” Lee said. “We have no choice but to accept a certain degree of risk.” Beyond energy flows, the risks are spilling into global trade. The Red Sea and Suez Canal together account for roughly 15 percent of global maritime trade and nearly 30 percent of container traffic, making disruptions a direct threat to Asia–Europe shipping. Shipping has already been strained since late 2023, with vessels rerouting around the Cape of Good Hope, adding up to two weeks to transit times and sharply increasing costs. War-risk insurance premiums have surged from around 0.1 percent to as high as 1 percent. Analysts warn that renewed hostilities could delay normalization of shipping routes. Ruling Democratic Party of Korea and the government on Monday separately agreed begin diplomatic efforts to secure alternative crude oil supply routes in response to a potential closure of the Strait of Hormuz. At a meeting of the party’s special committee on Gulf crisis attended by relevant ministries, the government shared its plan to dispatch special envoys to major oil-producing countries with alternative routes, including Saudi Arabia, Oman and Algeria. The move is aimed at ensuring stable crude oil supplies amid rising geopolitical risks. Officials also indicated that South Korean-flagged vessels may be deployed along alternative routes, with a plan under consideration to send five such vessels to the Red Sea region, including Saudi Arabia's port of Yanbu. In addition, authorities are closely monitoring supply chains in 50 key industries on a daily basis amid concerns over disruptions in naphtha and plastic supplies. Officials said efforts are underway to ensure sufficient availability of essential items, including medical products such as IV fluid bags. They added that petrochemical exports are being carefully managed in consideration of external market conditions and potential ripple effects. Regarding the supplementary budget, officials noted that 470 billion won ($312 million) has been allocated to support export companies affected by higher costs of alternative naphtha imports, covering 50 percent of the price difference. They added that a proposal from the industry to raise the support level to 80 percent is under active review. Separately, South Korea’s National Intelligence Service reported to the National Assembly that the ongoing conflict between the United States and Iran could enter a lull by the end of this month, depending on the scale of U.S. airstrikes. During a closed-door session of the parliamentary intelligence committee, lawmakers were told that Washington is facing difficulties in translating tactical military gains into political outcomes, while Tehran is attempting to leverage energy supply disruptions as a bargaining tool. The intelligence agency also assessed that Iran remains in a strategic dilemma over how to respond to U.S. demands to abandon its nuclear program, with limited progress seen in negotiations involving Pakistan. 2026-04-06 14:39:11
  • The mix of populist element in Koreas war budget raises eyebrows
    The mix of populist element in Korea's "war" budget raises eyebrows SEOUL, April 01 (AJP) - President Lee Jae Myung is set to pitch for a 26.2 trillion won ($17.4 billion) "war" extra budget Thursday before the ruling-dominant National Assembly as a "preemptive" defense against fallouts on the energy-dependent economy as the conflicts in the Middle East enters a second month. Determined to fend off bigger damage, Lee indicated during a cabinet meeting on Tuesday approving a supplementary budget — just the third month into the year — that he could bypass legislative approval, if necessary, by invoking rarely used emergency executive fiscal powers to press ahead with proactive budgeting. The emergency fiscal authority, stipulated under Article 76 of the Constitution, allows the president to issue measures with the force of law in times of severe economic or national crisis when legislative delays are untenable. It has been used only once in modern history — in 1993, when then-president Kim Young-sam enforced the financial real-name system. According to the National Assembly Budget Office (NABO), total expenditure in the 2026 budget stands at 727.9 trillion won. If the supplementary budget bill is passed, this year’s total government spending is expected to rise to 754.1 trillion won. The government maintains it can keep the managed fiscal deficit at 3.8 percent of GDP, as the extra budget could be financed through excess tax revenue from strong chip sales in the first quarter rather than additional debt issuance. The urgency reflects the scale of the shock. Oil prices have surged amid tensions around the Strait of Hormuz — a chokepoint for roughly one-fifth of global oil and LNG trade — exposing South Korea’s deep reliance on imported energy. The economic toll is already feeding through. The OECD has cut Korea’s growth outlook to 1.7 percent, while oil at around $100 per barrel could shave about 0.5 percentage point off annual growth, economists estimate. With the risk of the economy falling into a technical recession after contracting in the fourth quarter, international economists broadly see proactive fiscal policy as the right direction. “This is not just an energy problem; it is an inflation, exchange-rate, and confidence problem at the same time,” said Sumit Agarwal, a professor of finance and economics at the National University of Singapore (NUS). While fiscal intervention is justified, he advised it be “temporary, targeted, and explicitly linked to the shock.” Donghai Zhang, an economist at NUS, described the oil shock as effectively a “negative income shock” for an importing country like South Korea. “Temporary and targeted support can help cushion this,” he said, noting that lower- and middle-income households are more likely to spend additional income quickly, stabilizing demand in the short term. But Zhang also warned of a more insidious risk: inflation expectations. “Higher energy costs raise firms’ production costs and can spread beyond fuel and transportation. If expectations become unanchored, inflation becomes more persistent and more costly to reverse.” Under the “war” label, the budget package is explicitly designed to counter the energy shock. Of the total package, 10.1 trillion won is allocated to offset high oil prices, including compensation for refiners under a fuel price cap system and expanded public transport subsidies. Another 5 trillion won has been earmarked to cap fuel costs and ease transport expenses, including support for a temporary oil price ceiling and expanded public transport rebates. Additional measures target energy-vulnerable households and fuel-intensive sectors such as agriculture and fisheries. More controversial is the 4.8 trillion won set aside for direct cash transfers to roughly 35.8 million people — about 70 percent of the population — ranging from 100,000 to 600,000 won per person. The populist element ahead of the June 4 local elections has ignited heated debate even before reaching parliament. Rep. Kim Sang-wook, a lawmaker from the ruling Democratic Party of Korea and its candidate for mayor of Ulsan, framed the package as an urgent social safety measure. “High oil prices inevitably lead to high inflation, and that hits ordinary people hardest,” he said. “This is a ‘social disaster.’ The most vulnerable — low-income households and small businesses — must be protected, and speed is critical.” The opposition, however, sees something more cynical. Rep. Park Soo-young, the People Power Party’s ranking member on the National Assembly’s Strategy and Finance Committee, criticized the cash transfers as both inefficient and politically motivated. “If you subsidize fuel for 70 percent of the population, other prices — rice, meat, vegetables — will rise,” he argued. “Why not simply cut fuel taxes? Instead, this looks like vote-buying ahead of local elections.” The fiscal easing could also complicate monetary policy, as the inflationary effects of high oil prices are expected to seep through the economy in the coming months. David E. Cook of Hong Kong University of Science and Technology warned that broad price controls can backfire. “Capping consumer energy prices prevents efficient adjustment and makes the transition more costly overall,” he said. Massimo Filippini, professor of public and energy economics at ETH Zurich, urged a more forward-looking approach. “High energy prices, while painful, encourage households and firms to reduce consumption, improve efficiency, and adjust behavior,” he said, adding that such dynamics can ultimately support investment in cleaner and more efficient technologies. Korea’s vulnerability underscores its structural dependence on imported fossil fuels and reinforces the need to view the energy transition not only as a climate objective, but also as a strategy for economic resilience and security. “Overall, the most economically sound approach is a balanced mix: targeted support for households, conditional aid for firms, and policies that preserve incentives to reduce energy use,” he said. He added that the current crisis could serve as a turning point in how the energy transition is framed — less as an environmental imperative alone, and more as an issue of security, independence and quality of life. Agarwal suggested policymakers think in three layers: stabilize the short run, protect financial and external systems, and use the crisis to accelerate structural change. “The right policy is to protect households from an oil shock without pretending that the state can permanently shield the economy from global prices,” he said. Temporary measures — cash transfers, transport subsidies and targeted industry support — are relatively easy to enact. Rolling them back once the crisis subsides, however, will be far more difficult, he warned. 2026-04-01 16:18:22