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Seoul's Officetels Become Alternative Housing Amid Rising Prices As apartment prices and jeonse rates rise in Seoul, officetels are becoming a viable alternative housing option, leading to a continued upward trend in the city's officetel market. While sales prices saw only a slight increase, both jeonse and monthly rental prices experienced more significant gains. In contrast, local markets are still facing supply pressures, resulting in weak sales and jeonse prices.On July 15, the Korea Real Estate Agency released its '2026 Q2 Officetel Price Trend Survey.' According to the report, nationwide officetel sales prices fell by 0.30% compared to the previous quarter, while jeonse prices rose by 0.09% and monthly rents increased by 0.71%.In Seoul, all three categories—sales, jeonse, and monthly rent—saw increases, leading the national market. The sales price of officetels in Seoul rose by 0.24%, a slight increase from the previous quarter's 0.23%. Jeonse prices increased by 0.40%, up from 0.24% in the prior quarter, while monthly rents surged by 0.90%, compared to 0.75% previously.The Korea Real Estate Agency attributed the strength of the Seoul officetel market to growing demand as an alternative to apartments. The sales market remains robust, particularly in urban areas with excellent transportation links and near transit stations, while the jeonse market has seen increased demand for larger officetels. The monthly rental market continues to attract steady demand, especially in transit-accessible areas favored by students and professionals amid ongoing concerns about jeonse fraud.In the greater Seoul area, the decline in sales prices has lessened, and jeonse prices have turned upward, indicating signs of recovery. Sales prices in the metropolitan area fell by 0.19%, a smaller drop compared to the previous quarter's decline of 0.33%. Jeonse prices rose by 0.17%, reversing the previous quarter's decline of 0.05%. Monthly rents increased by 0.78%, up from 0.69% in the prior quarter.Conversely, local markets continue to struggle. Sales prices for officetels in regional areas dropped by 0.71%, a slight increase in the rate of decline from the previous quarter's 0.70%. Jeonse prices fell by 0.22%, although this was a smaller drop compared to the previous quarter's 0.26%. Monthly rents rose by 0.43%, but the increase was slower than the previous quarter's 0.54%.Regionally, the largest declines in sales prices were seen in Busan (-0.84%), Daegu (-0.70%), Gwangju (-0.55%), and Incheon and Sejong (-0.53%). In terms of jeonse prices, increases were noted in Seoul (0.40%), Daejeon (0.19%), Gyeonggi (0.07%), and Ulsan (0.04%). Monthly rent increases were highest in Seoul (0.90%), Sejong (0.88%), Gyeonggi (0.76%), and Daejeon (0.66%).The ratio of jeonse prices to sales prices averaged 86.04% nationwide, with the metropolitan area at 86.27% and Seoul at 84.50%. The conversion rate from jeonse to monthly rent was recorded at 6.62% nationwide and 6.06% in Seoul.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 14:04:00
Pilot Program for Renewable Energy PPA Brokerage Platform Launches, Full Service in August The government is launching a pilot program for a brokerage platform that connects renewable energy producers with companies seeking power purchase agreements (PPAs). This initiative aims to promote renewable energy transactions and support companies in fulfilling their RE100 commitments while ensuring stable power sales for producers.On July 15, the Ministry of Climate Energy and Environment announced the start of the PPA brokerage platform pilot project at the L Tower in Seocho-gu, Seoul. The platform will allow renewable energy producers and electricity-using companies to register their desired contract volumes online and negotiate with potential partners. The government plans to conduct mock transactions by the end of this month, with a full service launch expected in early August.Finding suitable partners has been a significant barrier to PPA activation, as companies have struggled to identify appropriate producers, while producers have faced challenges in securing demand from companies.A PPA is a contract in which renewable energy producers supply electricity directly to companies without going through the power market. An expansion of PPAs is expected to support companies in meeting their RE100 commitments, provide renewable energy producers with a stable revenue base, and alleviate the burden of renewable portfolio standard (RPS) settlements.The number of direct PPA contracts has been steadily increasing, rising from 13 contracts in 2023 to 29 in 2024, and 79 in 2025. In just the first five months of this year, 118 contracts have already been signed.The pilot program includes participation from 43 companies and associations, including renewable energy producers, renewable electricity suppliers, and RE100 demand companies. Participants will register their electricity demand and supply volumes on the platform, and once connections are made, they will negotiate contracts confidentially.The government has also established incentives to encourage platform usage. Small-scale producers who sign contracts through the platform will receive support for meter installation costs, and RE100 demand companies will have their network usage fee support extended for up to four years. Additionally, the support ratio for guarantee insurance premiums for rooftop solar producers will be increased to a maximum of 50%.Shim Jin-soo, Director of Renewable Energy Policy at the Ministry, stated, "A survey of participating companies revealed that both demand and supply volumes are around 1 GW, indicating strong industry interest. We will actively incorporate feedback from the field to develop a platform that effectively promotes PPA activation."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 14:04:00
Trump Resumes Maritime Blockade Against Iran on JCPOA Anniversary July 14, 2015, marked the day when the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, China, Russia, and Iran signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Under this agreement, Iran agreed to limit its nuclear weapons development and accept inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions by the international community. This diplomatic achievement was seen as a significant step toward resolving the Iran nuclear issue through dialogue and negotiation, raising hopes for reduced tensions in the Middle East.However, these expectations did not last long. In 2018, during his first term, President Donald Trump announced the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA and reinstated sanctions against Iran, which in turn resumed its nuclear program. The hard-won trust between the two nations collapsed, setting the stage for potential conflict.On July 14, 2026, the 11th anniversary of the JCPOA, President Trump announced the resumption of a maritime blockade against Iran. A date that once symbolized negotiation and compromise has now transformed into one representing blockade, sanctions, and pressure. This shift illustrates the reality that diplomatic agreements are not permanent safeguards and can be overturned depending on political circumstances.This issue extends beyond the JCPOA. Since his re-election last year, President Trump has effectively undermined existing trade agreements, including free trade agreements (FTAs), by prioritizing a policy of reciprocal tariffs. He sends a message to the international community that any international agreement can be discarded if it does not align with U.S. interests. Major powers, including China and Russia, are increasingly showing a preference for their strategic interests over international norms.International politics has always operated on the logic of power. However, the current international order is exhibiting a different dynamic. In the past, power supported international norms; now, there is a growing trend where power seeks to replace norms altogether. Military force and economic sanctions are emerging as primary means of problem-solving, overshadowing international law and diplomatic agreements. The treaties and institutions built over decades are now easily shaken by changes in political leadership or domestic political shifts.These changes pose greater challenges for countries like South Korea, which are highly dependent on external relations. We have grown under the assumption that international norms will always function reliably. However, the existence of agreements and their actual enforcement are entirely different matters. As international norms become more unstable, the importance of national power to support them inevitably increases.Ultimately, what we can rely on is our own competitiveness. By strengthening the rule of law and democracy, we can enhance trust in South Korea while securing competitiveness in advanced industries such as semiconductors, artificial intelligence (AI), shipbuilding, defense, and biotechnology. Today, technological prowess extends beyond industrial competitiveness; it encompasses diplomatic strength and security. Countries with irreplaceable technologies in the global supply chain can secure a more significant voice in the international community.While agreements remain a crucial foundation of the international community, the era where peace and prosperity are guaranteed solely by agreements is fading. As the logic of power grows stronger, the trust of nations that uphold principles and their ability to defend themselves become increasingly vital. To survive in a changing world, we need unwavering national competitiveness rather than vague expectations of agreements.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 14:00:00
Big Bang Confirms World Tour Title 'XX: Cosmos' as Goyang Tickets Sell Out 그룹 빅뱅의 고양 콘서트 추가 티켓이 매진됐다. 쿠팡플레이는 지난 13일 선예매, 14일 일반 예매를 통해 ‘쿠팡플레이와 함께하는 빅뱅 월드 투어 ‘엑스엑스 : 코스모스’ 인 고양(BIGBANG WORLD TOUR < XX : COSMOS > IN GOYANG)’ 추가 티켓 예매를 진행했다. 추가 티켓은 일반 예매 시작 7분 만에 전석 매진됐다. 이번 공연은 앞서 올해 국내 공연 최다 대기 인원인 21만명을 기록하며 예매 열기를 보인 바 있다. 월드투어 오프닝 공연에 대한 팬들의 관심이 이어지자 쿠팡플레이는 추가 티켓 오픈을 결정했다. 공연 공식 타이틀도 공개됐다. 공연명은 ‘쿠팡플레이와 함께하는 빅뱅 월드 투어 ‘엑스엑스 : 코스모스’ 인 고양’이다. 함께 공개된 포스터에는 깊은 우주 어딘가에서 포착한 미지의 신호를 연상시키는 이미지가 담겨 이번 투어의 콘셉트를 예고했다. 올해 데뷔 20주년을 맞은 빅뱅은 이번 공연을 통해 월드투어의 시작을 알린다. 특히 지드래곤, 태양, 대성이 함께하는 월드투어는 2017년 ‘라스트 댄스’ 투어 이후 9년 만이다. ‘쿠팡플레이와 함께하는 빅뱅 월드 투어 ‘엑스엑스 : 코스모스’ 인 고양’은 오는 8월 21일부터 23일까지 3일간 고양종합운동장에서 열린다. 쿠팡플레이는 추가 티켓 예매 이후에도 취소 좌석 시간차 오픈, 와우회원 계정 1개당 1대 디바이스 접속 허용, 공연 당일 유효 신분증 확인 후 입장 등 부정 거래 방지 정책을 시행한다. 부정 거래 정황 신고를 위한 전용 채널도 운영한다.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 13:56:00
Seoul, one of Asia's richest cities, leaves one village behind SEOUL, July 15 (AJP) - The journey takes barely two minutes. Yangjae-daero, a six-lane boulevard cutting through southern Seoul, is little more than another busy artery carrying commuters toward Gangnam's gleaming office towers and luxury apartment complexes. Thousands cross it every day without giving the road a second thought. Yet few roads in South Korea separate two different economic realities more starkly. On one side stand apartment towers where homes now sell for more than 200 million won per 3.3 square meters, their values climbing alongside an artificial intelligence boom that has turned semiconductor companies into the country's most valuable businesses and is expected to propel South Korea's nominal economic growth to its strongest pace in three decades. Cross the road, however, and another Seoul emerges. The pavement gives way to dirt paths almost immediately. Wooden shacks patched together with corrugated iron, plywood and plastic sheeting line narrow alleyways barely wide enough for one person to pass. Coal briquettes remain stacked beside homes waiting for another winter. Rainwater has stained roofs covered by tarpaulins and old blankets. Hand-sized spiders spin webs across footpaths while mosquitoes rise from knee-high weeds left untended through the humid summer. This is Guryong Village. It is Seoul's last remaining shantytown, a settlement that was never intended to survive into the twenty-first century but now stands as perhaps the clearest physical reminder that South Korea's extraordinary economic ascent has never been experienced equally. The contrast is all the more striking because it exists not hundreds of kilometers from the capital but within Gangnam itself, the district synonymous with wealth, private education and some of Asia's most expensive real estate. From almost every point inside the village, residents can see the apartment towers that symbolize modern Seoul's prosperity. They are close enough to dominate the skyline, yet distant enough to feel like another country. What appears at first to be a simple story about poverty gradually becomes something more complicated after spending several days walking the settlement. The village does not resemble an abandoned place so much as one waiting to disappear. The first thing newcomers notice is not the housing but the suspicion. "Reporter?" The question comes before any greeting. When the answer is yes, conversations often end immediately. "We've seen many reporters," one elderly resident says with a dismissive wave. "Nothing changes." The skepticism is understandable. Residents have watched journalists arrive after fires, politicians before elections and redevelopment officials carrying new master plans. Television crews have repeatedly filmed what they describe as Seoul's last slum before leaving a few hours later. The village remains exactly where it was. Only after returning repeatedly do doors begin to open. Residents who initially refused interviews begin offering greetings. Someone points toward another alley worth seeing. Others quietly explain which homes were destroyed in the latest fire, which residents have moved into public housing and which houses now stand permanently empty. Walking through Guryong Village becomes less like touring a neighborhood than reading layers of Seoul's history. Boarded-up homes bear handwritten notices warning against trespassing after their occupants moved away or died. Children's bicycles lean against walls beneath weeds that have grown tall enough to swallow them. A rusted swing stands almost invisible under wild grass, its empty frame marking the place where children once gathered before their families gradually left in search of better schools, stable jobs and ordinary apartments elsewhere. Further uphill, the smell changes with every turn. Damp timber mixes with household refuse, stagnant summer water and the lingering scent of coal briquettes. Homes assembled from recycled wood, corrugated iron and plastic sheets appear to lean against one another for support. Electricity reaches most houses, but many still rely on improvised repairs accumulated over decades because redevelopment has remained perpetually just over the horizon. The January fire that swept through District 4 remains visible months later. More than 100 pyeong of ground is still covered by blue tarpaulins, while one half-burned house stands open to the weather. Inside, scorched books, blackened appliances and even an old cassette tape remain exactly where the flames left them. Residents speak about fires almost matter-of-factly. The houses are packed too closely together, the roads too narrow and the building materials too combustible for anyone to believe the next blaze can be entirely prevented. Each disaster briefly returns the village to the evening news. When public attention fades, the burned houses remain. 2026-07-15 13:54:46
Debate Over Lowering Age for Juvenile Offenders in South Korea During a Cabinet meeting on July 14, President Lee Jae-myung expressed concerns over a proposal to lower the age threshold for juvenile offenders to under 13 years old, stating it was "too weak" and urging for a broader reduction, noting that many countries set the age at 12. The President's push for a lower age for juvenile offenders signals a potential shift in discussions regarding youth criminal punishment.Under current law, a "juvenile offender" refers to individuals aged 10 to under 14 who commit illegal acts but are deemed incapable of criminal responsibility. These individuals can commit heinous crimes such as murder or rape without facing criminal penalties, instead receiving protective measures like community service or placement in juvenile facilities.However, recent reports of youth crime have undermined the intent of these laws. Incidents include students kidnapping and assaulting classmates while filming the acts on smartphones, as well as cases of infants being brutally abused or stolen vehicles being driven recklessly, resulting in tragic outcomes for innocent citizens.More concerning is the manipulation of their status as juvenile offenders, with some taunting police officers by saying, "You can't punish me anyway, so go ahead and hit me," showcasing a troubling blend of cunning and cruelty. This brutality is not merely anecdotal; it is supported by objective data. According to a report from the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, the number of juvenile offenders apprehended by police reached 21,095 last year, a staggering increase from 9,606 in 2020, representing a 2.2-fold rise in just five years. Not only has simple theft increased, but violent crimes such as assault (up 2.8 times) and sexual offenses have also surged, indicating a critical escalation in the severity and sophistication of youth crime.Political leaders, many media outlets, and outraged civic groups are calling for a significant reduction in the age of criminal responsibility and stronger legal repercussions, arguing that the times have changed and a strong legal warning is necessary. However, it is essential to consider whether simply lowering the age is a panacea for youth crime. Human rights organizations, legal experts, and educators caution that lowering the age of criminal responsibility may not provide a fundamental solution. They warn of the risk that young offenders could become stigmatized, leading to a cycle of criminality as they connect with adult crime organizations and fall deeper into serious offenses.In reality, with the current infrastructure of juvenile detention and correctional facilities being severely inadequate, merely increasing the number of incarcerated youth could turn these facilities into "crime schools" where criminal skills are learned and shared, rather than places of rehabilitation. The argument that simply increasing punitive measures will eradicate youth delinquency cannot be dismissed lightly. Adolescence is a formative period where values are not yet established, and individuals are easily influenced by their environment. Therefore, reliance solely on punitive measures is insufficient. Strategies addressing youth crime must hold individuals accountable in a manner commensurate with their actions while also fostering their reintegration as healthy members of society through a well-designed support system. 2026-07-15 13:52:00
A very Korean dream hatched in the country's most unlikely place SEOUL, July 15 (AJP) - Before Cheon Young-hwan tells visitors about Guryong Village, he tells them about his sons. Forty years ago, he walked down the hill from the cluster of shacks where his family had settled after being displaced by Seoul's redevelopment drive and knocked on the door of a stranger living across Yangjae-daero. He was not asking for money. Nor was he asking for food. He was asking to borrow an address. Without one, his two boys could not enroll in school. "I begged them," the 74-year-old recalled quietly. "There were many families like us." The family agreed. His sons eventually left Guryong Village. They found work, raised children and built lives elsewhere. His grandchildren have never lived in the settlement. Cheon still does. Every evening, he returns to the same small shack where his mother and grandmother once lived before him, separated from one of Asia's wealthiest neighborhoods by little more than six lanes of traffic. Few places reveal the contradictions of modern South Korea more vividly than this stretch of Yangjae-daero. On one side stand luxury apartment towers where homes sell for more than $100,000 per 3.3 square meters, their owners watching wealth compound alongside an AI-driven semiconductor boom expected to deliver South Korea's strongest nominal economic growth in three decades. Across the road lies Guryong Village, Seoul's last remaining shantytown. Yet after days spent walking its narrow alleys, sharing meals with residents and listening to stories accumulated over four decades, it became clear that the village's defining characteristic was not poverty. It was education. Almost every elderly resident spoke of the same regret. Not that they had lived in cramped houses patched together from scrap wood and corrugated metal. Not that coal briquettes still warmed their homes in winter or that rain leaked through aging roofs during the summer monsoon. What haunted them instead was that they themselves had never been able to study enough. That regret became the greatest gift they could offer their children. Nearly every family eventually sent the next generation away from the village, believing education offered the only reliable route out. They knew too well what opportunities they had missed, and refused to let their children inherit the same limitations. For Cheon, borrowing another family's address was simply one expression of that determination. For wealthier parents living across Yangjae-daero, the pursuit took a different form. Some purchased apartments inside prestigious school districts. Others paid fortunes for private academies or elite private schools. Separated by only a few hundred meters, both sets of parents were trying to solve the same problem. How do you give your child a better future than your own? That realization surfaced repeatedly inside Guryong Village. One resident who had recently moved into public housing after falling ill left behind a room blackened by mold. What remained inside was not furniture or valuables. It was books. Books lined dusty shelves. Books covered the floor. Books were stacked on desks beside handwritten notes pinned across the walls. Cheon explained that his friend had spent years borrowing books from neighbors throughout the village, reading them one after another before passing them on again. Learning, he said, was never a hobby. It was how people here remained connected to a world that had largely moved on without them. Even today, books continue to circulate from house to house, quietly exchanged among neighbors who still read almost every day. The village may have lacked many things. It never lacked curiosity. Only after lunch, as bowls were cleared away and conversation drifted toward old memories, did Cheon quietly suggest taking another walk. A few minutes later he stopped beside an overgrown patch of grass. We had passed it several times without noticing. "There," he said. At first there appeared to be nothing. Then, beneath the weeds, the outline emerged. A rusted steel swing frame. Its seats had long since disappeared. The laughter had disappeared long before that. Children once gathered there after school, Cheon recalled. Now the frame stood alone, slowly disappearing beneath waist-high grass that revealed just how many years had passed since anyone had used it. The children had not vanished because the village had failed. They had left because their parents insisted they should. That rusted swing may be the clearest symbol of Guryong Village. It is not a monument to poverty. It is a monument to parents who quietly gave up the chance to leave themselves so that their children never again would have to borrow another family's address simply to go to school. In that sense, Guryong Village may not be as different from affluent Gangnam as it first appears. Across Yangjae-daero, wealthy parents spend extraordinary sums securing admission to elite schools, private academies and neighborhoods prized for their educational advantage. Inside the village, parents sacrificed everything they had for exactly the same reason. One side bought opportunity. The other borrowed it. The dream was identical. 2026-07-15 13:49:34
U.S. Coast Guard Deploys Ships to South China Sea Amid Rising Tensions with China The United States has deployed six Coast Guard vessels, previously stationed in the Middle East, to Singapore and the Philippines. This move comes as U.S. naval forces concentrate in the Middle East due to escalating tensions with Iran, prompting the Coast Guard's shift to the Western Pacific to counter China's pressure in the South China Sea.The Wall Street Journal reported on July 14 that "six 154-foot fast response cutters from the U.S. Coast Guard are operating in the Western Pacific, based in Singapore and the Philippines."These vessels were previously engaged in maritime security and drug and arms interdiction in the Middle East. However, as U.S.-Iran tensions intensified this year, the Coast Guard withdrew these non-missile defense ships from Bahrain and redirected them to the Western Pacific.The ships will operate from Singapore, receiving command and logistical support, while alternating operations in Subic Bay, Philippines. This deployment has been approved at least until September. It marks the first time the U.S. will operate small fast response cutters from Subic Bay.Subic Bay, a former U.S. military base, is strategically located near the South China Sea, allowing for rapid access to areas of conflict between China and the Philippines.The decision to deploy Coast Guard vessels instead of naval ships is linked to China's approach in the region. China has prioritized its Coast Guard over its navy in the South China Sea, employing tactics such as blocking supply and fishing operations of Philippine vessels and using water cannons, creating a situation just short of military conflict.By deploying the Coast Guard, the U.S. aims to curb Chinese Coast Guard activities while minimizing the risk of escalating military tensions. This strategy also facilitates cooperation with Southeast Asian and Pacific nations on non-military missions such as illegal fishing enforcement and search and rescue operations.However, the power gap with China remains significant. China continues to expand its Coast Guard capabilities with larger vessels and heavy armament, while also strengthening cooperation with its navy and maritime militia.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 13:48:00
Semiconductor Contract Programs Must Open Up Beyond Corporate Ties The choice between medical school and semiconductor programs has become a fierce dilemma for top science students in South Korea. As the semiconductor industry gains prominence in the age of artificial intelligence (AI), more students are applying to both medical and semiconductor programs. This trend reflects a strong belief that semiconductors are a key future industry for South Korea.However, the talent development system is struggling to keep pace with the rapid changes in the industry. Many semiconductor programs at major universities in South Korea are structured as contract programs, which are designed to prepare students for employment at companies like Samsung Electronics and SK Hynix. These programs are seen as successful examples of industry-academia collaboration, thanks to benefits like tuition support and job placement.The problem is that this approach has clear limitations in the AI era. The semiconductor industry is evolving into a competitive ecosystem that encompasses AI semiconductors, system semiconductors, advanced packaging, fabless design, electronic design automation (EDA), and materials, components, and equipment. The demand for semiconductor talent extends beyond just Samsung and SK Hynix; hundreds of fabless and materials companies are also struggling to find qualified personnel. The very name 'contract program' implies a focus on employment with specific companies, which restricts the supply of talent across the entire industry ecosystem.South Korea is also lagging behind in workforce size compared to its competitors. China is nurturing semiconductors as a strategic national industry, producing hundreds of thousands of graduates in microelectronics and related fields each year. Taiwan, led by the government and TSMC, closely connects universities and research institutions to train over 50,000 engineering graduates annually. In contrast, despite having world-class memory competitiveness, South Korea's output of semiconductor talent does not meet industry demand, resulting in a distorted structure where factories are increasing while the workforce is insufficient.It is time for a national talent strategy. While continuing to nurture company-specific talent, there should be a focus on expanding formal semiconductor programs. New semiconductor programs should be actively established not only in the metropolitan area but also at regional national universities and innovation universities to broaden the talent pool. The curriculum also needs to shift from a memory-centric approach to encompass the entire field of AI semiconductors.Revisiting the name 'contract program,' which is often viewed as a recruitment channel for specific companies, should also be part of the discussion. Semiconductors are a future strategic industry, and semiconductor talent should be recognized as a public asset that supports the national industrial ecosystem. Ultimately, the competition for semiconductor supremacy in the AI era hinges on people. More important than the hundreds of trillions of won invested is the talent that can turn that investment into results. A shift from 'talent needed by companies' to 'semiconductor talent nurtured by the nation' is urgently needed.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 13:48:00
Korean Air and Asiana Airlines May Operate Separate Mileage Programs Ahead of Merger Korean Air and Asiana Airlines may continue to operate separate mileage programs as they approach their merger at the end of the year.According to industry sources on July 15, Korean Air recently indicated in a revised securities filing that there could be delays in integrating mileage programs with Asiana Airlines.The filing stated, "If we do not receive approval from the Fair Trade Commission for the mileage integration plan before the merger date, we may need to maintain and operate the existing mileage programs of Korean Air and Asiana Airlines separately until that approval is granted, in order to avoid unfavorable changes compared to the end of 2019."Last December, the Fair Trade Commission issued a corrective order regarding Korean Air's mileage integration plan, aimed at minimizing the loss of expiring miles.Korean Air submitted a revised plan in January, but has yet to receive final approval after six months. If separate operations become a reality, the burden on Korean Air could be significant.The airline explained, "If we determine that unfavorable changes have occurred compared to 2019 while maintaining the mileage programs separately, we could face a daily penalty of approximately 925 million won under the Fair Trade Act."Additionally, Korean Air expressed concerns that the dual operation of the mileage programs would lead to increased costs due to the need for separate IT systems, staffing, and services, as well as delays in realizing synergies from member integration.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 13:48:00