INTERVIEW: AI worsens labor mismatch as degree holders chase jobs machines replace SEOUL, January 07 (AJP) - The growing insecurity faced by college-educated workers in advanced economies stems from a structural mismatch: many young job seekers are targeting white-collar roles that artificial intelligence is rapidly automating, while labor shortages are emerging in sectors machines cannot replace, according to Canadian labor sociologist Barry Eidlin. Rather than signaling a collapse of work itself, the trend reflects a breakdown in how education systems, labor markets and public policy align skills with demand in the AI era. “The old system where companies hired young people and trained them for long careers has largely disappeared,” the professor Quebec-based McGill University told AJP in a recent Zoom interview. “Today, graduates are expected to arrive with experience — but you need a job to get experience, and experience to get a job.” Collapse of the school-to-work bridge For much of the postwar period, large firms in advanced economies operated internal labor markets, recruiting young workers and investing in their long-term development. That model has steadily eroded over the past four decades, leaving graduates to navigate fragmented, experience-driven labor markets on their own. As a result, Eidlin said, youth unemployment should not be framed as a failure of individual effort or ambition. “I try to get through to my students that it’s not about them,” he said. “It’s about broader macroeconomic and social trends that are largely beyond their control.” AI accelerates polarization Artificial intelligence has intensified these pressures, particularly for degree holders seeking entry-level or mid-skill office jobs — roles increasingly exposed to automation and outsourcing. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), as of Sept. 2025, individuals with a four-year college degree accounted for 25 percent of all unemployed people in the United States, marking an all-time high. This is the first time since the related data began to be compiled in 1992. The phenomenon is graver in Korea. According to the Ministry of Data and Statistics (MODS), the proportion of unemployed persons with a university degree or higher rose from 37.7 percent in 2010 to 47.8 percent in 2024, and further climbed to 49.6 percent in the first through third quarters of 2025. According to the Bank of Korea’s report titled “AI Expansion and the Contraction of Youth Employment,” of the 211,000 youth jobs lost over the past three years, 208,000 were in industries highly exposed to AI. While skepticism toward higher education has grown in the United States and Canada as graduate unemployment rises, Eidlin cautioned against interpreting the trend as evidence that college no longer pays off. “In terms of lifetime earnings, people with college degrees on average are still making quite a bit more,” he said. “But unemployment rates have to do with shifts within the structure of the labor market.” Job growth, he noted, is increasingly concentrated at the lower end of the wage and education spectrum. “You look at where the growth is in the job market and it is toward the bottom of the wage and education distribution,” Eidlin said. “Growth is in things like home-health aides and service work of various types, because a lot of this work cannot get automated.” By contrast, many mid-level jobs traditionally associated with higher education are precisely those most vulnerable to technological substitution. “A lot of jobs that require some degree of education are easier to automate or outsource,” he said. Jobs disappearing — and jobs not yet imagined Eidlin rejected alarmist narratives predicting a jobless future driven by artificial intelligence, arguing that history shows technological change reshapes work rather than eliminates it. “We tend to focus on the jobs that go away,” he said. “What we don’t think about as much are the jobs that are getting created as technological change increases and the world of work gets rearranged.” Those new roles, he added, are difficult to foresee precisely because they do not yet exist. “They’re hard to imagine,” he said. “That’s always been the case with major technological shifts.” Care work as the blind spot One area where labor demand is already overwhelming supply — and unlikely to be solved by machines — is social and care work, particularly as populations age across industrialized societies. “There are all kinds of socially necessary work that doesn’t get done because it’s not profitable,” Eidlin said. “Care work requires a lot of human labor, and it’s not something that can be automated.” Korea, facing one of the world’s fastest demographic declines, exemplifies the challenge. According to the 2025 Senior Statistics released by the Ministry of Data and Statistics on Sept. 29, 2025, the population aged 65 and older in South Korea reached 10.514 million, surpassing the 20 percent threshold for the first time and falling under UN-classified superaged society. “It’s a huge problem in Korea,” he said. “With aging populations and fewer children, the question becomes: who is going to take care of all these people?” Demand for elder care and childcare continues to rise, yet supply remains constrained, and costs remain prohibitive for many families. “There’s a crying need for more care workers and more childcare for young families,” Eidlin said. “That need is going unmet because when these services exist, they are incredibly expensive.” Eidlin argued that this gap presents a rare opportunity for governments to address both unemployment and welfare challenges simultaneously. “It creates a really perfect opportunity to address the unemployment problem while fulfilling socially important tasks and taking care of the broader population,” he said. Public investment in care work and job programs, he added, could absorb displaced workers while meeting urgent social needs that markets fail to provide. Political risks of stalled opportunity Beyond the labor market, Eidlin warned that prolonged insecurity among young people carries political risks. Degrading job quality, stagnant wages and weak representation have fueled labor unrest across regions, including Korea, North America, Europe and Latin America. “We’ve seen some of the biggest strike waves in decades,” he said. Yet economic frustration has not consistently translated into progressive political outcomes. According to Eidlin, the erosion of traditional labor-based political movements has left space for other forces to shape the narrative. “When there isn’t a strong left alternative, the political field opens up for narratives that shift blame,” he said. “It becomes ‘not the bosses, but immigrants,’ or ‘women entering the labor force,’ or ‘competition from other countries.’” Such dynamics, he said, have helped fuel the rise of far-right movements in many societies. For students and recent graduates navigating an increasingly uncertain labor market, Eidlin cautioned against advice that focuses solely on individual adaptation. “I think our expectations are actually too low,” he said. “Political and business elites have told people not to expect much and to be grateful for what they get.” The challenges young people face, he emphasized, are collective rather than personal. “The problems you are trying to solve are not individual problems,” Eidlin said. “They are social problems, and they can only be addressed collectively.” 2026-01-07 15:55:22

A big delegation, thin deliverables from Korean state visit to China SEOUL, January 06 (AJP) - President Lee Jae Myung arrived in China this week with one of the largest economic delegations Seoul has dispatched in years. What he returned with, critics say, was less clear. Accompanied by roughly 200 business leaders — including Lee Jae-yong, Chung Euisun and Koo Kwang-mo — Lee’s four-day state visit marked South Korea’s first presidential trip to China in eight years and the first major business delegation since 2019. The message, at least visually, was unmistakable: Korea wants to reset ties. Yet beyond symbolism, the economic substance of the visit appeared limited, reinforcing a long-standing reality of Korea–China relations — plenty of ceremony, cautious language, and incremental gains, but no breakthrough. Before departure, SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won struck a familiar note, saying the delegation would seek “meaningful growth opportunities,” particularly in supply-chain cooperation. Korean conglomerates remain deeply embedded in China: Samsung, SK hynix, Hyundai, Kia and LG all operate major production facilities there. But while the footprint is large, the policy environment remains uncertain — and the summit did little to change that. MOUs and goodwill – and most gains Fourteen MOUs and a donation certificate were signed after the Lee–Xi meeting, spanning economy, culture, environment and science. Among them, the agreement on intellectual property cooperation stood out as the most tangible economic outcome, potentially helping Korean firms protect patents and brands more efficiently in China. Other outcomes — regularizing trade minister meetings and reopening China’s market to certain Korean seafood products — were welcomed but modest. None addressed Korea’s deeper concerns: supply-chain vulnerabilities, export competitiveness or market access barriers. The ceremonial donation of Qing-era stone lions from Korea’s Kansong Art Museum to China, meanwhile, was widely read as a goodwill gesture — diplomatically sensitive, culturally symbolic, but economically marginal. Content, fashion and the limits of expectation The delegation’s composition hinted at where Korea sees room to move: culture, content and consumer brands. Galaxy Corporation, home to G-Dragon and actor Song Kang-ho, joined amid renewed interest in China’s entertainment market. Fashion platform Musinsa showcased its China expansion plans. Shinsegae signed an MOU with Alibaba International to export Korean consumer goods. Yet the elephant in the room remained untouched: the unofficial Chinese restrictions on Korean cultural content — the so-called Han Han-ryeong. No timeline, no commitment, not even public acknowledgment. China continues to deny the ban’s existence, and Seoul, once again, stopped short of pressing the issue. “We agreed to approach it gradually through working-level consultations,” National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac said — language that sounded more like damage control than progress. Reset diplomacy — or just resetting the optics? The presidential office framed the visit as a turning point. A senior aide described it as “gateway diplomacy toward full restoration” of relations, pointing to the seafood deal as proof of tangible results. Some analysts agreed the direction was right. “The economy is the only realistic entry point for improving Korea–China relations,” said Choi Woo-sun of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy. Others were unconvinced. “There was no clear economic agenda,” said Lee Khan-pyo of Sogang University. “This summit is unlikely to produce distinctive economic impact.” Opposition figures were sharper still. Lawmakers from the People Power Party criticized Lee for failing to raise the cultural ban or broader economic-security issues, calling the visit “one-sided” and “overly deferential.” “The business leaders did their part — but the president did none,” said People Power Party lawmaker Choi Soo-jin, adding that Lee “looked obsequious in China” and failed to resolve the Korean Ban or raise maritime concerns. Even within the ruling party, voices urged caution. China is no longer just a partner, they noted, but a competitor — particularly in high-tech industries where overcapacity and dumping have become concerns. Supreme Council member Lee Un-ju stressed cooperation should focus on culture, tourism and food, while warning: “Unlike in the past, China is now a competitor to Korea,” particularly in high-tech industries sensitive to economic security and fair trade. 2026-01-06 17:42:02

Korea–China Summit: Seoul bets on diplomatic reset, pundits doubt breakthrough SEOUL, January 05 (AJP) - Expectations remain muted over tangible outcomes from the Korea–China summit in Beijing, as experts warn that the first state visit by a South Korean leader in nearly nine years is more likely to deliver symbolic reassurance than substantive policy breakthroughs. President Lee Jae Myung and Chinese President Xi Jinping are set to exchange what many analysts describe as “ceremonial cordiality” at a time when Beijing has moved closer to North Korea and Seoul’s strategic room for maneuver remains constrained by intensifying U.S.–China rivalry. The South Korean presidential office, however, framed the summit as a necessary reset. Kang Yoo-jung, spokesperson for the Blue House, said the meeting is “meaningful in restoring the long-stagnant relationship between the two countries and rebuilding a mutually beneficial and future-oriented partnership as inseparable neighbors.” Lee echoed that message upon meeting South Korean residents in Beijing, calling the “full restoration” of bilateral ties the primary objective of his visit. Carefully Calibrated ‘One China’ Messaging The diplomatic tone was set ahead of the summit. In an interview aired on China Central Television, Lee said he “respects the ‘One China’ policy,” a remark that immediately drew scrutiny at home. Woo Jung Moo, professor of political science and international relations at Dongguk University, interpreted the comment as a deliberate attempt to lower friction rather than a substantive policy shift. “It should be understood as acknowledging China’s position without revealing South Korea’s own stance on Taiwan,” Woo said, stressing that Seoul continues to emphasize peaceful resolution and does not endorse any unilateral attempt to alter the regional order by force. Kim Youcheer, a professor at Duksung Women’s University, described the remarks as part of a pragmatic effort to manage entanglement risks that have grown amid heightened alliance expectations under the U.S. National Security Strategy. “The phrasing ‘respecting One China’ reflects South Korea’s long-held diplomatic language since normalization, not China’s unilateral ‘One China principle,’” Kim said, adding that the administration appeared to calibrate its message carefully ahead of the summit. Park Han-jin of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies also viewed the positioning as pragmatic, noting that it reaffirmed South Korea’s diplomatic principles while anchoring them to universal values such as regional peace and stability. Domestic Political Divide The summit has exposed sharp divisions within South Korea’s political sphere. Kim Sang-hoon, a lawmaker from the People Power Party, warned that Seoul risks undermining trilateral security cooperation with the United States and Japan. “China consistently maintains a dominant posture,” he said, expressing concern over possible fallout for advanced technology alliances with Washington. By contrast, Kim Joon-hyung of the Rebuilding Korea Party called the summit “a long-overdue restoration” of Korea–China relations after what he described as years of diplomatic stagnation. Limits on North Korea Impact Most experts agree the summit is unlikely to produce meaningful progress on inter-Korean relations. Kim Hyun-Wook, president of the Sejong Institute, said Korea–China economic ties have shifted from complementarity to competition, limiting the scope for cooperation. Still, he noted that any easing in U.S.–China tensions could marginally expand diplomatic space around North Korea. Lee Wang Hwi of Ajou University was more blunt. “China’s influence over North Korea is limited,” he said, adding that Pyongyang’s deepening ties with Russia now outweigh Beijing’s leverage. Woo Jung Moo concurred, arguing that North Korea would seek to dilute any joint messages emerging from Seoul and Beijing by leaning further on Moscow. Park Han-jin offered a more conditional view, suggesting that sustained trust-building between Seoul and Beijing could, over time, expand China’s willingness to play a stabilizing role — though likely only in exchange for concessions linked to economic or regional issues. Strategic Ambiguity and Economic Reality On the broader trajectory of Korea–China relations, views diverge sharply. Former presidential economic security secretary Ahn Se Hyun argued that geopolitical shifts leave China little choice but to adopt a more conciliatory approach toward South Korea, even as the bilateral relationship remains structurally constrained by the U.S.–ROK alliance. Others urged caution. Choi Jung-wook of Konkuk University described China as both a competitor and a potential long-term security threat, calling for “maximum strategic ambiguity,” particularly on cross-strait issues. Lee Jung-tae of Kyungpook National University countered that despite security frictions, Korea and China remain deeply economically integrated, making outright confrontation unrealistic. Several scholars emphasized the importance of expanding non-political exchanges. Kang Jun-young of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies said economic, social and cultural interaction with Taiwan should continue as long as it remains non-political, while Lee Han-eol of Pusan National University stressed the value of student, academic and business exchanges in reducing misperceptions. 2026-01-05 17:15:22

KOSPI opens 2026 on buoyant note, hits fresh milestone SEOUL, January 02 (AJP) - South Korean stocks roared into 2026, extending last year’s standout rally, while most Asian markets opened the year on a subdued footing. In Seoul, the benchmark KOSPI jumped 2.3 percent to close at a fresh all-time high of 4,309.63, while the tech-heavy KOSDAQ climbed 2.2 percent to 945.57. Investor sentiment was buoyed by record-high semiconductor exports. Shipments surged 22.2 percent from a year earlier in December to $17.34 billion, setting a new annual high and reinforcing optimism over Korea’s chip-led growth momentum. Shares of heavyweight chipmakers rallied sharply. Samsung Electronics jumped 7.2 percent to close at 128,500 won ($88.9), while SK hynix advanced 4 percent to 677,000 won, both hitting record highs. Hyundai Motor gained 0.7 percent to 298,500 won, while HD Hyundai Electric climbed 5.8 percent to 819,000 won. Celltrion surged 12 percent to end at 202,500 won after the biotech firm projected record fourth-quarter earnings for 2025. On Wednesday, when the market was closed, the company said consolidated fourth-quarter sales are expected to reach 1.2839 trillion won ($888 million), up 20.7 percent from a year earlier, while operating profit is projected to jump 140.4 percent to 472.2 billion won — both all-time quarterly highs. Kwon Hae-soon, an analyst at Eugene Investment & Securities, said Celltrion is likely to deliver earnings that exceed market expectations “thanks to its improved product mix and enhanced cost control,” raising her target price to 250,000 won. Seo Geun-hee, an analyst at Samsung Securities, also lifted her target price to 230,000 won, citing a recovery in profitability driven by new product growth and strengthening market share in the United States. LG Energy Solution, the country’s third-largest company by market capitalization, slipped 2 percent to 361,000 won. Entertainment stocks rallied after news broke that BTS is set to make a full-group comeback on March 20, 2026. HYBE, the group’s agency, jumped 4.9 percent to 346,000 won. JYP Entertainment climbed 6.8 percent to 77,500 won, while YG Entertainment rose 1.4 percent to 70,400 won. Analysts said entertainment shares were also buoyed by growing expectations that China’s de facto restrictions on Korean cultural content could ease, as President Lee Jae Myung is scheduled to visit China from Jan. 4 to 7 and meet President Xi Jinping on Jan. 5. Elsewhere in Asia, Japan’s Nikkei 225 slipped 0.4 percent to close at 50,339.48, with losses concentrated among heavyweight stocks. Toyota Motor fell 0.2 percent to 3,356 yen ($21.4), Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group edged down 0.1 percent to 2,493 yen, and SoftBank Group declined 1.9 percent to 4,400 yen. Sony Group slipped 0.1 percent to 4,024 yen, Hitachi dropped 0.6 percent to 4,902 yen, and Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group fell 1.6 percent to 5,041 yen. Fast Retailing, the sixth-largest stock by market capitalization, gained 1 percent to 56,940 yen, while Tokyo Electron, ranked seventh, rose 0.3 percent to 34,320 yen. In China, the Shanghai Composite Index edged up 3.72 points to close at 3,968.84. 2026-01-02 17:15:40

BTS comeback set for March, greeted with both excitement and anxiety SEOUL, January 02 (AJP) - It is official: K-pop supergroup BTS will resume full seven-member activities with the release of a new album on March 20, marking their first group comeback in nearly four years. The album will be the group’s first collective release since Proof, the 2022 anthology that preceded their announcement of a temporary hiatus to fulfill South Korea’s mandatory military service requirements. All seven members — RM, Jin, SUGA, j-hope, Jimin, V and Jungkook — completed their roughly two-year service in 2025 and personally shared the comeback news with fans. RM wrote that he had been “longing more than anyone” for the group’s return, while Jimin told fans, “This is the year we meet again.” The announcement immediately reignited global fan enthusiasm. BTS’s 2022 track “Run BTS” surged back onto the iTunes Top Songs charts in 61 countries following the news, underscoring the group’s enduring global pull even during their hiatus. BTS’s agency HYBE shares rose 4.9 percent on Friday to close at 346,000 won ($240). For fans, BTS’s return represents more than a music release — it is a cultural moment. “Their music helped me process feelings I didn’t have words for,” said Candace Epps-Robertson, a professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, who turned to BTS’s lyrics while caring for her ailing mother. As a scholar of fan communities, she also described ARMY as “an army of librarians,” noting how fans meticulously archive performances, translations and research, creating a uniquely organized global cultural ecosystem. Korean music critic Lim Jin-mo said the comeback could mark “a revival of originality in K-pop.” “Fans often say ‘BTS-pop’ rather than K-pop,” he said. “They are the group whose fans most strongly long for a full-member return.” Debuting in 2013 under producer Bang Si-hyuk’s BigHit Entertainment, now HYBE, BTS reshaped the global trajectory of K-pop through self-written music and candid storytelling. They became the first Korean act to top the Billboard 200, addressed the United Nations, and received Korea’s Order of Cultural Merit for advancing national culture. Son Min-hyun, editor-in-chief of Korean pop music magazine IZM, described BTS as “the greatest conquerors of K-pop,” meaning the group that has done the most to expand the genre’s global reach. “The music market has changed considerably since their last comeback four years ago,” Son said. “After the global success of K-Pop Demon Hunters last year, audiences around the world understand K-pop much more clearly than before. That means BTS will now be expected to show even greater originality than they did with songs like ‘Butter’ or ‘Dynamite.’” Such expectations help explain why the group’s return has taken longer than many fans anticipated. During a Weverse livestream in early December, RM addressed questions about the group’s prolonged silence following their discharge. “Many people ask, ‘Why did you waste the second half of 2025?’ or ‘Why didn’t you do anything?’” he said. “I also wanted to do many things after being discharged, but there were circumstances I can’t talk about. I don’t have the right to explain everything.” SUGA was the last member to complete his service, finishing in June, following RM, V, Jimin and Jungkook earlier in the year. Jin, the eldest, was discharged in June 2024, and j-hope in October that year. The pressure of returning as a full group has weighed heavily on the members. RM spoke candidly about the emotional toll. “I want to perform right away, but preparing for it requires so much, and the pressure is huge,” he said. “Since last month, I haven’t been able to sleep. I even thought about whether I should get a prescription for sleeping pills.” He added that he had repeatedly questioned the group’s future. “I’ve wondered thousands of times whether it would be better for us to disband or go on hiatus,” he said. “But the reason we’re still together is because of the love between the members and the respect we have for our fans.” Fans, for their part, remain confident the wait will be worth it. “Since becoming a BTS fan, I’ve been studying Korean,” said Lina, an ARMY member from Antwerp, Belgium. “I think Korean is a beautiful language — it sounds musical, and Hangul looks like geometric art.” Monica, a 33-year-old fan from New York, said she was counting down to the comeback. “I’m super excited,” she told AJP. “It’s been such a long time. They were in the army for so long. I’m really looking forward to new music — and especially the tour. I haven’t seen them live since 2016.” She added, “I’m just grateful for all the good memories already. Whatever they have in store for ARMY next, I’m excited for it.” 2026-01-02 16:09:47

Policymakers scramble to rescue Korea's fast-sinking film industry SEOUL, December 31 (AJP) - Moviegoing is quickly going out of fashion in South Korea, with the only films able to stay in theaters for more than a month being foreign, fandom-driven animation franchises this year. As audiences remain glued to YouTube and Netflix, visits to cinemas have dwindled, prompting the government and film policymakers to roll out a series of measures to rescue a struggling industry. “The biggest challenge is that audiences now draw a very clear line between what they are willing to watch in theaters and what they prefer to stream at home,” said Kim Bo-yeon, director of the Policy R&D Department at the Korean Film Council (KOFIC). “Viewers go to theaters only for blockbusters, while everything else is pushed to OTT platforms,” Kim told AJP. “As attendance declines, production companies are reluctant to invest in large-scale films because there is no guarantee they can recoup costs. Naturally, the market has shifted toward mid- and small-budget projects.” To counter the downturn, KOFIC plans three major initiatives starting in 2026. The first is expanded support for project development, or what Kim calls “lineup development,” which allows production companies to receive funding for multiple projects rather than on a title-by-title basis. The goal is to strengthen studios’ long-term planning capacity and reduce risk concentration. Second, the agency plans to double support for mid-budget commercial films, raising funding from 10 billion won this year to 20 billion won next year, in an effort to rebuild the industry’s hollowed-out middle tier. The third pillar focuses on independent filmmaking, which Kim described as “the foundation of Korean cinema.” “We will actively support independent filmmakers so their creative work and distribution channels can recover,” she said. Subscription theaters and shrinking output Separately, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism is considering a subscription-style program for cinemas starting in 2027, modeled loosely on streaming services. Under the proposal, moviegoers would pay 15,000 won ($10.40) to watch four films — roughly a quarter of the current per-ticket price. Whether such incentives can lure audiences back remains uncertain, as viewers increasingly complain that recent theatrical offerings are not compelling enough to justify a trip to the cinema. Industry data underscore the severity of the downturn. Only around 20 Korean commercial films were produced in the first half of 2025, barely above the pandemic low of 2021 and far below the roughly 60 titles released in 2019. There was also no domestic film this year that surpassed the symbolic 10 million admissions mark. For the first time, a Japanese animation — Demon Slayer: Kimetsu no Yaiba – Infinity Castle — topped the Korean box office, drawing 5.65 million viewers. Today, nearly 40 percent of Koreans subscribe to three or four streaming platforms, reflecting how deeply on-demand viewing has reshaped consumption habits. The global success of Netflix’s K-pop Demon Hunters, which surpassed 314 million views by September, has reinforced the sense that cultural gravity is shifting decisively toward streaming platforms. Reports of a potential acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery by Netflix have further heightened concerns about an emerging OTT monopoly — anxieties now acutely felt in South Korea’s once-dominant film sector. Even established auteurs are increasingly opting for streaming-first releases. Veteran director Lee Chang-dong is reportedly preparing his next film, Possible Love, for Netflix rather than for theatrical release. “I was shocked to hear that even Lee Chang-dong’s film may not be shown in cinemas,” said a film director who requested anonymity. “If his work moves online, what future is left for theaters? It’s a frightening thought.” 2025-12-31 16:52:08

Look to license plates for clues to Pyongyang's shifting pecking order SEOUL, December 31 (AJP) - That North Korea’s supreme leader Kim Jong Un favors symbolism is hardly surprising. But his latest gesture suggests a particular flair for political semiotics. Kim has reportedly replaced the license plate on his state limousine — a Russian-made Aurus Senat gifted by President Vladimir Putin — with one bearing the number “7·27 0001.” The first three digits mark July 27, 1953, the date of the Korean War armistice. The remaining four leave little room for interpretation: No. 1. In Pyongyang, nothing is accidental. Recent footage aired by state broadcaster Korean Central Television (KCTV) suggests that license plates themselves have become a visible code for hierarchy inside the regime. The numbers “0002” and “0003” are now assigned to Premier Pak Thae-song, head of the Cabinet, and Choe Ryong-hae, president of the Presidium of the Supreme People’s Assembly (SPA), respectively. The sequencing — placing the premier ahead of the nominal head of state — has fueled speculation among analysts that the administrative arm of the government is gaining renewed prominence under Kim’s rule. At major public events, including the 80th anniversary of the founding of the Workers’ Party of Korea held in Pyongyang last October, Pak was seated immediately after Kim’s main guest, Chinese Premier Li Qiang, and ahead of Choe. In official party roll calls as well, Pak has been introduced before the SPA chief, reinforcing perceptions that he has emerged as the regime’s de facto second-in-command. “Formally, the president of the SPA Presidium functions as North Korea’s head of state, signing credentials and representing the country diplomatically,” Koh Yu-hwan, a professor of North Korean studies at Dongguk University, told AJP. “In practice, however, real authority often rests with the premier, who oversees economic management and state administration. It is similar to South Korea, where the National Assembly speaker ranks second in protocol but does not necessarily wield comparable political power.” Another Dongguk University scholar, Hwang Jin-tae, offered a complementary reading of the symbolism. “People are paying attention to the fact that the No. 2 plate was assigned to the premier,” he said in a separate interview with AJP. “Traditionally, the party was considered the ‘head’ and the Cabinet the ‘hands.’ But with the growing emphasis on regional development initiatives such as the ‘20×10 Regional Development Policy,’ which directly affects people’s livelihoods, the premier’s role appears to be gaining weight.” Hwang noted that similar interpretations surfaced during the tenure of former Premier Kim Tok-hun. “Even then, coverage highlighted the Cabinet’s responsibility for economic management,” he said. “Assigning numbers 2 and 3 to the heads of the executive and legislative branches may be symbolically fitting for a regime eager to project a more ‘normalized’ state structure.” Still, he cautioned, ultimate authority remains firmly within the Workers’ Party, particularly among senior figures such as Jo Yong-won, director of the Organization and Guidance Department, and Pak Jong-chon, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission. While internal symbolism may be shifting, observers in Seoul say Pyongyang’s external posture remains hard-edged. Kim Gunn, a lawmaker from the People Power Party, said North Korea may soon enter another phase of provocation aimed at strengthening its bargaining position with Washington. Kim, who previously served as South Korea’s ambassador to the United Kingdom and as chief nuclear negotiator, is now secretary of the National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs and Unification Committee. “The direction of North Korea’s policy this year will depend on decisions taken at the Ninth Party Congress,” he told AJP. “But the recent display of what appears to be a nuclear-powered submarine under construction suggests Pyongyang is preparing to raise tensions as a negotiating tactic.” “The key for Seoul and Washington,” he added, “will be close coordination and efforts to encourage constructive engagement by surrounding powers.” 2025-12-31 16:23:15

Asian Culture Calendar SEOUL, December 31 (AJP) - South Korea Dec. 31 – Jan. 1 Yeosu Hyangiram Sunrise Festival Dec. 31 – Jan. 1 Homigot Sunrise Festival Dec. 31 – Jan. 1 Jeongdongjin Sunrise Festival Jan. 10 – Feb. 1 Hwacheon Sancheoneo Ice Festival Jan. 31 – Feb. 8 Taebaeksan Mountain Snow Festival Japan Dec. 31 – Jan. 1 NO LIMIT! COUNTDOWN 2026 Jan. 14 Shittenoji Doya Doya Festival Jan. 20 – Feb.8 Kobe Luminarie Thailand Jan. 10 – 11 Khon Kaen International Marathon 2026 Jan. 15 – 18 Thailand International Boat Show 2026 Jan. 16 – 18 EDC Thailand 2026 Jan. 24 – 25 Bangkok Music City 2026 Singapore Jan. 8 – 11 Singapore Motorshow 2026 Jan. 22 – 31 Singapore Art Week 2026 2025-12-31 15:05:01

IPO pipeline packed for KOSDAQ, KOSPI candidates stay on hold 2025 SEOUL, December 30 (AJP) - South Korea’s initial public offering market staged a belated rebound in the second half of the year, as the KOSPI’s surge past the 4,000 mark revived investor appetite and unleashed a rush of new listings — particularly on the tech-heavy KOSDAQ. A total of 77 companies went public this year, including seven on the KOSPI and 70 on the KOSDAQ. Companies raised a combined 4.56 trillion won ($3.15 billion), up 14.9 percent from a year earlier. The number of listings was broadly unchanged from 2024, when 78 firms debuted. Nearly nine out of 10 newly listed companies — 89 percent — traded above their IPO prices, marking the strongest post-listing performance since 2021. Market capitalization at IPO prices reached 15.32 trillion won, up 1.49 trillion won from the previous year and the highest level in seven years excluding the 2021 boom. The KOSDAQ led the revival. Five companies debuted with market capitalizations exceeding 500 billion won, the largest such group since 2021: Reevesmed (1.36 trillion won), Semifive (809.1 billion won), AimedBio (705.7 billion won), CMTX (561 billion won) and The Pinkfong Company (545.3 billion won). The Pinkfong Company, which listed on Nov. 18, is best known globally for producing “Baby Shark Dance,” the most-watched video in YouTube history with more than 16.5 billion views. On the KOSPI, cosmetics maker d’Alba Global stood out as the year’s most successful listing. Since its May debut, the company — known for its “flight attendant mist” — has seen its share price jump 122.5 percent as of Tuesday’s close. Among KOSDAQ listings, the strongest performer was Proteina, a drug development company whose shares surged nearly 700 percent between its July debut and year-end. Kim Dae-jong, a professor of business administration at Sejong University, said Korea’s IPO market in 2025 reflected growing polarization under high interest rates and cautious investor sentiment. “Institutional investors are increasingly demanding conservative valuations and clearer earnings visibility,” Kim said. “This has strengthened the trend toward lower IPO pricing.” He added that the market is “transitioning from a short-term, profit-driven structure toward one that places greater weight on mid- to long-term corporate value.” Looking ahead, a number of heavyweight candidates are waiting in the wings for next year’s IPO market, including K Bank, Musinsa, Olive Young, SK Ecoplant, Essex Solutions, Sono International and AI chipmaker Rebellion. The outlook for new listings will be closely tied to the trajectory of the broader stock market. President Lee Jae Myung has repeatedly pledged to push the KOSPI toward 5,000 through structural reforms aimed at narrowing the so-called “Korea discount.” “The ruling party will promote capital market advancement, strengthen shareholder value and eradicate unfair trading practices,” Park Hong-bae, a lawmaker from the Democratic Party, told AJP. “At the same time, we will enhance disclosure systems to support investor decision-making and encourage sound capital flows.” A senior official at the Ministry of Economy and Finance also said the government remains optimistic about the KOSPI 5,000 goal, citing planned incentives for long-term shareholding. Still, economists caution against overconfidence. Kim Yong-jin, a professor of business administration at Sogang University, said reaching the 5,000 mark would require several favorable conditions to align. “Given the global economic environment and Korea’s own outlook, it does not appear very likely in the near term,” he said. “High market volatility makes the challenge even greater.” 2025-12-30 17:43:42

Seoul lifts ban on access to North Korea's party newspaper SEOUL, December 30 (AJP) - South Korea has lifted long-standing restrictions on access to Rodong Sinmun, the official newspaper of North Korea’s Workers’ Party, allowing the public to read it uncensored at designated institutions, the Unification Ministry said Tuesday. Under the revised rules, South Koreans can access the newspaper at facilities that handle special materials — including the Unification Ministry’s North Korea Information Center and the National Library of Korea — without submitting an application or additional identification, Vice Unification Minister Kim Nam-jung said at a briefing. Restrictions on copying have also been eased, removing the requirement for written approval. The regulatory change was first proposed during a ministerial briefing to President Lee Jae Myung on Dec. 19. Lee reportedly said South Koreans are fully capable of distinguishing propaganda from fact. The issue was later discussed formally among the Unification Ministry, the National Intelligence Service and other relevant agencies last Friday. In the same vein, the ministry is reviewing whether to expand access to certain North Korean websites by revising the Information and Communications Network Act, in an effort to help the public better understand North Korea. About 60 North Korea–related websites — including Rodong Sinmun and the Korean Central News Agency — are currently blocked in South Korea. The ministry noted that the widespread use of VPNs has already weakened the effectiveness of such controls, creating a gap between policy and reality. The government also plans to continue consultations with the National Assembly to expedite passage of a pending bill governing the use and management of North Korea–related materials. Rodong Sinmun, published entirely in Korean, primarily carries speeches and directives by North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, along with policy lines of the Workers’ Party. As the party’s official organ, it promotes the superiority of the regime and its ideology, while also covering international affairs and inter-Korean relations. Although it does not have a dedicated culture section, it occasionally carries cultural articles. Academics welcomed the move as long overdue. “It is appropriate to reclassify Rodong Sinmun as ‘general material,’” said Kim Yong-hyun, a professor of North Korean studies at Dongguk University. “Reading it will hardly make South Koreans become sympathetic toward North Korea. It is time we respond to North Korean issues with confidence.” Koh Yu-hwan, also a professor of North Korean studies at Dongguk University, said the restrictions had long been outdated. “Since 1994, when I founded the Department of North Korean Studies and began teaching, not a single student has turned into a pro–North Korea sympathizer or joined a Juche faction simply by reading Rodong Sinmun,” he said. Access to the North’s official mouthpiece could instead help deepen public understanding of the regime as it really is, said Park Jie-won, a Democratic Party lawmaker and a key architect of the landmark 2000 inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang. “Allowing people to read it directly can be the most effective form of national security education — and even anti-communist education,” Park told AJP. 2025-12-30 15:27:23