Bank of Korea: April Business Sentiment Index Rises 0.8 Points as Inventories Shrink Business sentiment, which had been dampened by the war in the Middle East, rebounded in April. The headline improvement, however, largely reflected inventory drawdowns caused by supply disruptions. According to the Bank of Korea's April business survey results and economic sentiment index released on the 28th, the all-industry Composite Business Sentiment Index, or CBSI, rose 0.8 points from the previous month to 94.9 as both manufacturing and nonmanufacturing improved. The central bank said sentiment was supported by higher manufacturing sales and new orders and smaller finished-goods inventories, despite rising raw material prices and production disruptions in some industries tied to the Middle East war. The CBSI is a sentiment gauge calculated from key Business Survey Index components — five for manufacturing and four for nonmanufacturing. A reading above the long-term average of 100, based on data from January 2003 to December 2025, indicates optimism; below 100 indicates pessimism. Lee Heung-hoo, head of the BOK's economic sentiment survey team, said the biggest driver of the April increase was a drop in product inventories as firms met demand by using existing stockpiles amid disruptions in raw material supplies. He added that manufacturing conditions also improved somewhat on continued strong exports and higher selling prices. Lee said the central bank recalculated sentiment excluding the finished-goods inventory component to account for the unusual supply factor, and found that April conditions and the May outlook edged down. He noted the CBSI has been on an upward trend since March 2025 but remains below 100. By sector, the manufacturing CBSI rose 2.0 points to 99.1, led by finished-goods inventories (+2.3 points) and business conditions (+0.7). The nonmanufacturing CBSI inched up 0.1 point to 92.1 as sales (+0.6) offset a decline in profitability (-0.5). For May, the CBSI outlook was 98.0 for manufacturing, up 2.1 points, while nonmanufacturing was unchanged at 91.2. In detailed BSI results, manufacturing improved in chemicals and chemical products, primary metals and fabricated metal products. In nonmanufacturing, wholesale and retail fell, while construction and information and communications rose. The April Economic Sentiment Index, or ESI — which incorporates the BSI and the Consumer Sentiment Index — fell 2.3 points from the previous month to 91.7. The BOK cited weaker readings for the manufacturing outlook on funding conditions (-0.6 points) and for household income and consumer spending outlooks, down 1.0 point and 0.8 point, respectively. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 06:04:05

Rubio: U.S. Won’t Accept Iran Controlling Strait of Hormuz or Having Nuclear Weapons U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Sunday that Iran is still seeking to maintain control over the Strait of Hormuz, calling that unacceptable for the United States. He also reaffirmed that Iran cannot be allowed to possess nuclear weapons. His remarks, made as talks on ending the war with Iran face difficulties, were widely seen as a clear statement of U.S. red lines. According to Yonhap News Agency, Rubio said in an interview with Fox News that if Iran’s idea of keeping the strait “open” means, “Yes, it’s open, but you have to coordinate with Iran, get our permission, and if not we’ll attack you, and you have to pay a toll,” then “that’s not opening the strait.” “The Strait of Hormuz is an international waterway,” Rubio said, adding that the United States cannot accept Iran “normalizing” a system in which it decides who can use the waterway and how much they must pay to do so. Earlier, U.S. political news outlet Axios reported that Iran, through mediators, had sent the United States a proposal to first open the Strait of Hormuz and declare an end to the war, then continue nuclear talks later. Rubio’s comments appeared to argue that what Iran calls opening the strait would amount to controlled passage rather than free navigation. Rubio also said Iran seeks to threaten the world with nuclear weapons, “the way it does now with oil,” and to hold the world hostage to get what it wants. “That is unacceptable,” he said. 2026-04-28 06:03:16

Nearly 400,000 Leave South Korea’s Housing Subscription Accounts as Seoul Cutoffs Hit Perfect Scores The point-based apartment subscription system, designed to protect end users, is increasingly criticized as favoring a small group of asset-rich applicants. With presale prices rising on surging construction costs and strict lending rules limiting financing, some applicants with high scores are giving up because they cannot raise the money. Others say winning has become unrealistic without both cash and a large number of dependents. As a result, more would-be buyers are either crowding into no-rank lotteries or leaving the subscription market altogether. According to Cheongyak Home data released on the 26th, the number of housing subscription account holders fell from 26,438,085 to 26,051,929 over the past year (March 2025 to March 2026), a drop of more than 380,000. Monthly declines were modest in the first half of last year, ranging from 0.03% to 0.09%, but the pace accelerated from October. The decline peaked in December at 0.305% from the previous month, and this year the monthly drop has continued at nearly 0.2%. Over the past 14 months, the cumulative net decrease totaled about 400,000. Critics link the exodus to unusually high barriers, including complexes where the cutoff has reached a perfect score. In a first-round subscription held on the 9th for “Acro de Seocho” in Seoul’s Seocho district, the cutoff for the 59-square-meter Type C unit was the maximum 84 points, the first such case in Seoul’s private apartment presale history. Competition for that type hit 1,099.1 to 1, the highest on record. But general sales accounted for only 4.8% of the project, or 56 units, prompting assessments that the market has become a contest for a tiny group of wealthy applicants with perfect-score accounts. As regular subscriptions have effectively narrowed, demand has surged into no-rank subscriptions held just days later. On the 13th, 106,093 people applied for two no-rank units at “Gangdong Heritage Xi,” a competition rate of about 53,000 to 1. The units were offered at about 730 million won, the 2022 presale price, allowing an estimated market-price gain of about 1 billion won. Observers say the lottery system — with odds of about 1 in 50,000 — has become the only remaining channel for unsubsidized, score-disadvantaged households without homes. High cutoffs are also being driven by large-family, perfect-score accounts winning smaller units at price-capped projects in the Gangnam area. At “Otiere Banpo,” the minimum winning score across all unit types was 69 points, with many types in the low-to-mid 70s — levels seen as requiring a perfect-score account typically associated with families of five or more. This score inflation is spreading beyond Gangnam across Seoul. The maximum score a four-person household can receive after more than 15 years without owning a home — 69 points — has effectively become the minimum needed to win. Cutoffs have risen above 69 points not only in Jamsil and Banpo but also in major areas such as “The Fine Yeonhui” in Seodaemun district and “Ichon Rael” in Yongsan district. Even four-person families that have remained without a home for 15 years are finding it difficult to win newly built apartments in Seoul, intensifying debate over whether the system still works as intended. Cash requirements are also filtering out end users. For example, “Otiere Banpo,” which began taking subscriptions on the 13th, required winners to raise more than 1.1 billion won in cash within three months because it is a post-completion sale. The requirement led even some top-score applicants with 84 points to forgo applying due to insufficient funds. Park Ji-min, head of the Wol-yong Subscription Research Institute, said the current system remains centered on older, large-family household structures and “fails to serve as a housing ladder at all” for the rapidly growing number of one- and two-person households. Park urged an overhaul that increases the weight of points for time without homeownership or length of subscription account membership, so that smaller households that have remained without a home can receive meaningful advantages. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:09:37

Takaichi’s Fast-Track Leadership Meets Resistance in Japan’s Political System What has the new political approach dubbed the “Takaichi style” produced in practice? There are clear cases where Takaichi’s top-down, fast-track decision-making has delivered results. A leading example was her immediate decision, soon after taking office, to abolish an additional gasoline tax that the ruling and opposition parties had agreed to end under the previous administration but repeatedly delayed. For many Japanese, it was a moment that made politics feel like it was moving again. But the approach has also brought setbacks. One prominent case was her November response in the Diet about a “survival-threatening situation in the event of a Taiwan contingency.” The Yomiuri Shimbun quoted a government official as saying the remark was an ad-lib not included in prepared materials, adding that “this wouldn’t have happened if there had been even a face-to-face review of answers with bureaucrats.” The official pointed to the abolition of the prime minister’s answer-prep sessions — a core element of the Takaichi style — as a direct cause. Even after voices within the Liberal Democratic Party urged her to contain the fallout, Takaichi did not retract the comment. The result, the article said, was that Chinese visitors to Japan fell to about half, and relations with China have continued to worsen. The pattern is not new: the article noted that when she served as internal affairs minister 10 years ago, controversy also grew after she said broadcasters that repeatedly violated political fairness could be ordered off the air, and she did not back down then either. Takaichi’s preference for refusing dinner gatherings and relying on documents has also strained ties with the party and the bureaucracy. In one example, LDP officials who visited to coordinate wording for the party’s 70th anniversary address said they were sent off after about 10 minutes, having heard only Takaichi’s brief instruction: “Please fix it like this.” During deliberations on the 2026 budget, one senior LDP figure said he had spoken directly with the prime minister about the budget only once. That communication gap has spilled into governance. Takaichi insisted the budget bill be passed within the fiscal year, but after pushing ahead without sufficient coordination with the party, it failed to clear the House of Councillors. The Nikkei said reliance on “the power of numbers” in running the Diet widened the distance between the prime minister’s office and the party and parliament. Relations with the bureaucracy have been similarly tense. Consumption tax cuts have long been opposed by the Finance Ministry over concerns about reduced revenue, and past prime ministers have typically adjusted their rhetoric after behind-the-scenes coordination. But in a February budget committee session, Takaichi said “some ministry” was spreading obstructive information in connection with discussions of a consumption tax cut — a remark the article described as an effective public rebuke of the Finance Ministry. Finance Ministry officials reacted with shock, asking whether she viewed them as resistance to the administration. A senior government official was quoted as saying that to build a long-running administration, the Finance Ministry, which controls the budget, must be made an ally, and that turning the entire bureaucracy into one team remains a task. Despite the side effects, the article said Takaichi has shown no sign of changing course. Instead, she has moved to tighten her grip within the party through personnel decisions. She sought to replace an LDP leader in the House of Councillors over responsibility for the failed budget passage and has repeatedly excluded lawmakers who challenged her from key posts. The Yomiuri said pressure is spreading within the party that even veterans will be treated coldly if they do not follow the prime minister’s line. The article said there is little open criticism inside the party. Rather, after factions were dissolved and groups reorganized, they are competing to draw closer to Takaichi. Her camp is said to be envisioning an uncontested re-election as LDP president in September next year, with no clear rival in sight. If she wins again and also prevails in the 2028 House of Councillors election, the article said, the possibility of long-term rule has been raised. Whether the “Takaichi style” becomes a new standard in Japanese politics or is forced to adjust under real-world constraints remains to be seen. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:08:21

Japan’s Takaiichi reshapes prime minister’s routine with fewer dinners and more direct messaging Prime Minister Sanae Takaiichi marked six months in office on the 21st, maintaining approval ratings above 60% in polls as Japan’s political routines shift quietly but noticeably. At the center is her governing style, often described as the “Takaiichi way.” At midday on the 10th, LDP Vice President Taro Aso, Secretary-General Shunichi Suzuki and Acting Secretary-General Koichi Hagiuda gathered at the prime minister’s office for a lunch Takaiichi arranged. The menu was a set meal of grilled fish. It was their first such meal in four months. Afterward, Aso told Takaiichi, “Even if it’s not dinner, let’s eat like this again. Why not meet lightly over lunch?” Yomiuri Shimbun reported the remark as a kind of urging, reflecting concern she could become isolated. For decades, Japanese prime ministers followed a familiar rhythm: work by day, dinners by night. Meals with business leaders, politicians and bureaucrats were used to trade information and build ties, giving rise to sayings such as “politics moves at night.” Takaiichi has largely broken with that pattern. Around 6 p.m., she typically returns to the official residence next to the prime minister’s office. She eats dinner with her husband, does household chores such as laundry, and reads Diet briefing papers and policy materials. Aides say she goes back with documents in hand, saying she must study for the next day. Asahi Shimbun calculated her average return time over six months at 7:21 p.m., with only nine outside dinners or informal gatherings. She also generally eats lunch alone and often skips meals, reportedly to secure time by herself. She has joked, according to Yomiuri, “If I eat with others, I can’t touch up my lipstick.” The changes extend beyond meals. Takaiichi ended the customary “advance review” of answers, in which prime ministers receive in-person briefings from secretaries and officials before Diet questioning. Instead, she reads materials herself and submits questions in writing when something is unclear. She also edits draft answers by hand and sends revisions by fax. She has sharply reduced the number of meetings she chairs, and in ministerial meetings she keeps remarks to a minimum, relying more on written submissions. Yomiuri described this as the “Takaiichi way”: keeping distance from Nagatacho’s traditional behind-the-scenes consensus-building culture and emphasizing rationality. Another hallmark is direct communication on social media. On the night of the 7th, Takaiichi posted on X about a phone call with the president of the United Arab Emirates within 10 minutes of the call ending. The government’s official announcement came about 30 minutes later. When concerns about naphtha supplies spread on social media, she posted directly to say it was a “misunderstanding.” Takaiichi has about 2.86 million followers on X, far more than former Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba (520,000) and former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida (810,000). At the same time, she has held fewer news conferences. Over six months, she held eight formal news conferences. Ishiba and Kishida held news conferences each time budgets passed, but Takaiichi has favored brief, informal question-and-answer sessions with reporters gathered around her rather than formal news conferences. Asahi noted that unlike news conferences, where reporters can press with follow-up questions, social media is “one-way,” making it harder to probe what a leader truly means. Her communication style aligns with a more self-directed decision-making approach. In January, in the process that led to a decision to dissolve the House of Representatives, she did not consult in advance even with Aso, described as her biggest political backer. Soon after taking office, she also moved quickly to abolish an additional gasoline tax that the ruling and opposition parties had agreed on but the previous administration had delayed. Critics called the moves “arbitrary,” but both decisions ultimately coincided with high approval ratings. The contrast has been drawn with Ishiba, who, leading a minority ruling party, promoted “deliberation” but was criticized for indecision, while Takaiichi has been credited with “decisive politics.” Asahi, citing a source at the prime minister’s office, attributed the roots of her style to resentment from having long been treated as a “non-mainstream” figure within the LDP. First elected in 1993 as an independent, Takaiichi built her career without a local political machine or a political dynasty. The paper said her pride in forging a path in an era when female politicians were rare underpins her distance from established political customs. Takaiichi herself addressed the point in the Diet in February, saying calmly, “As you all know, I’m a woman who isn’t good at these dinner gatherings.” Rationality over custom, decisions over coordination, documents over face time: the “Takaiichi way” has presented a new model of prime minister. What it ultimately produces for Japanese politics remains the next test.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:07:22

Honor’s ‘Alpha Strategy’ Bets on AI Robots as Smartphone Growth Slows Honor’s move into humanoid robots reflects several pressures, led by a maturing smartphone market and the need for new growth. China’s smartphone market is widely seen as saturated, limiting room for expansion in Honor’s core business. Honor’s share in China has declined over the past five years. Counterpoint Research said Honor’s market share stood at 13.4% at the end of last year, below Huawei at 16.4%, Apple at 16.2%, Vivo at 16.2%, Xiaomi at 15.4% and Oppo at 15.2%, pushing Honor out of the top five. With an initial public offering in the works, Honor has been seeking a new engine to offset slowing growth. In March last year, Honor CEO Li Jian announced the company’s “Alpha strategy,” saying it would “transform into an AI smart device company centered on robots,” marking a full push into AI. In March this year, Honor presented what it called the world’s first “robot phone” at Mobile World Congress in Barcelona, Spain, as the first product tied to the Alpha strategy. The phone features a protruding robotic arm on top fitted with a 20-megapixel camera designed to rotate and shoot in 360 degrees. Market reaction, however, fell short of expectations. Some experts said the product lacked polish, while consumers cited drawbacks including reduced portability and an awkward grip. That has fueled doubts that investment in the robot phone will translate into purchases. Against that backdrop, Honor’s sweep of the top spot in this year’s humanoid robot half-marathon has been viewed as a meaningful result. Chinese IT outlet Huxiu said the win would have a positive effect on Honor’s corporate value, adding that it could help boost capital-market sentiment, roadshow promotion and expectations for a “second growth curve.”* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:06:34

Honor’s Humanoid Robot Wins Beijing Half Marathon, Beating Unitree 50 minutes, 26 seconds. That was the winning time at this year’s humanoid robot half marathon in Beijing’s Yizhuang area, cutting last year’s top mark of 2:40:42 to about one-third. The time also beat the human half-marathon world record of 57:20. The winner was not last year’s champion, the Beijing Humanoid Robot Innovation Center’s “Tiangong,” nor Unitree’s “H1.” It was “Sandian,” a humanoid robot from Chinese smartphone maker Honor, competing for the first time. Six teams entered the race using Sandian robots. Three competed in fully autonomous mode and three used remote control. All six finished and took places 1 through 6, a result seen as evidence that Sandian is more than a prototype and has demonstrated production potential, technical stability and consistent manufacturing. Chinese IT outlet eet-china called Sandian “a vanguard that symbolically shows Honor’s technological strength.” Honor’s other humanoid robot, “Yuanqizai,” also competed and won a “best walking” award for what organizers described as the most humanlike, stable gait. The sweep is being viewed as a milestone in Honor’s push to move beyond smartphones and position itself as an artificial intelligence device-ecosystem company. ‘HUAWEI DNA’...From smartphones to an AI ecosystem company Finishing a 21-kilometer half marathon is difficult for humanoid robots, requiring stable walking along with battery endurance, heat management, mechanical durability, autonomous driving and algorithms. Last year, only about 20 teams entered and just six robots finished. This year, about 100 teams competed and nearly half finished. While most entries last year were remotely controlled, about 40% chose autonomous operation this year. The key to Honor’s first-year success, the report said, was smartphone engineering rooted in what it called “Huawei DNA.” Honor began in 2011 as a premium smartphone brand under Huawei and, during its 2020 separation from Huawei amid U.S. sanctions, absorbed many of Huawei’s core engineers and technical staff. Honor CEO Li Jian said, “Core technologies accumulated in the mobile phone field are very helpful for robot research and development.” One example is liquid cooling. Honor adapted its smartphone liquid-cooling technology for humanoid robots. Sandian carries a self-developed liquid-cooling unit in a backpack. Piping designed like a human capillary network runs into the motor, circulating about 4 liters of coolant per minute. The system is intended to remove heat quickly during high-speed running, prevent motor overheating and maintain stable output. Smartphone know-how, transplanted into a humanoid robot Power is another key factor. Sandian uses an integrated joint module capable of up to 400 newton-meters of torque, aiming to deliver strong force in compact joints while sustaining stable movement. The report said the precision miniaturization reflects know-how built from foldable smartphone hinge and internal-structure design. Software is also central. Honor combined its motion-control algorithms with multiple sensors so the robot can recognize complex surroundings in real time and automatically adjust its center of gravity and gait. The ability to process large volumes of data quickly to control movement was described as an extension of smartphone hardware-software integration. Sandian was designed from the outset for marathon running. It is 169 centimeters tall and weighs 45 kilograms, with legs measuring 95 centimeters, proportions the report compared to elite track athletes. Engineers removed nonessential structures to reduce weight, omitted hand joints, narrowed the arms, and used a foot design intended to minimize ground contact, reduce impact and efficiently transfer propulsion on a firm track. Supply chain helps lower barriers, but commercialization still needs proof China’s increasingly mature humanoid-robot supply chain has also lowered technical barriers, the report said, and open-source algorithm ecosystems have sped development. Manufacturing costs are falling quickly. According to the Gaogong Robot Industry Research Institute, the price of a humanoid robot in the first quarter was 100,000 yuan (about 21.6 million won), down 33% from a year earlier. Honor in March last year announced its “Alpha Strategy,” declaring a shift toward an AI smart-device company with robots as a core pillar. About a year later, it has demonstrated a humanoid robot capable of finishing a half marathon. Still, because Sandian is optimized for marathon performance, some observers said additional verification is needed before it can be used broadly across varied environments. They said autonomous decision-making must be strengthened through repeated learning and data accumulation in real-world settings. In that respect, the report said, a gap remains with established companies such as Unitree and Galbot, which have built up long-term data across diverse scenarios.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:05:28

South Korea Lawmaker Proposes Housing Bond Bids to Curb 'Lottery' Apartment Profits South Korea’s home subscription system, designed to support housing stability for ordinary people, has drawn criticism for enabling outsized gains that have fueled the nickname “lottery subscriptions.” Politicians are now moving to create a mechanism to recoup some of those profits. According to the industry on the 26th, Democratic Party lawmaker Ahn Tae-jun, a member of the National Assembly’s Land, Infrastructure and Transport Committee, introduced a revision to the Housing Act that would require buyers of private homes in areas covered by the housing price cap system to purchase National Housing Bonds through a mandatory bidding scheme. The proposal would require winners of price-capped projects to buy the bonds, allowing the public sector to reclaim part of the market premium. The bill also includes a safeguard: when the capped sale price for a private unit is 100% or less of nearby market prices, the maximum bond amount would be set below that level, limiting the additional recouped gains to the surrounding market price range. The idea has resurfaced as controversy has grown that price-capped projects have become a tool for excessive windfalls rather than serving their original purpose. The debate accelerated after President Lee Jae-myung said at a Cabinet meeting in June last year that “lottery sales” create a large gap with actual market prices because of the cap, and that the gap can drive up nearby home prices. The housing bond bidding system was used more than 20 years ago but was later scrapped after producing side effects. The government revived it during sales in Pangyo New Town in 2006 for mid- to large-size units over 85 square meters, citing concerns about overcrowding and demand surges. It set a ceiling so that the combined total of the sale price and losses from bond purchases would equal 90% of nearby market prices, differentiating it from the earlier version. But after the 2008 global financial crisis sent housing prices sharply lower, the combined total of sale prices and bond losses in some cases exceeded market prices, creating a “reverse” effect. The system was abolished in 2013. Kim Hyo-sun, a senior real estate specialist at KB Kookmin Bank, said the plan could burden even low- and middle-income households without homes by forcing additional bond purchases and could dampen subscription demand. She added that the housing price cap system was effective in the past when population growth meant most housing prices rose over time, but regional gaps have widened so much that the system is no longer effective in the long run and needs to be reworked. Some also point to overseas models. A frequently cited example is Singapore’s leasehold approach. In Singapore public housing, the state keeps land ownership while granting individuals the right to use it for 99 years. During a visit to Singapore last month, Lee said it was a policy he had been interested in since his time as Seongnam mayor and that South Korea should learn from it. The article notes challenges, including high housing-related taxes and the burden of deficits at public institutions. Singapore imposes an Additional Buyer’s Stamp Duty, charging a tax of up to 20% of the purchase price starting with a second home. It also places the cost of supplying public housing solely on the Housing & Development Board, and the government injects 2% of its annual budget to cover deficits. Shared-equity housing, positioned between public rental and full ownership, has also been discussed. The United Kingdom operates programs to promote affordable ownership by recognizing split ownership for tenants, helping them transition into asset holders. In the United States, public subsidies or participation by private investors can reduce households’ purchase burdens, while resale restrictions are used to curb speculation and share gains from price increases. Such ideas were discussed last year by the Lee administration’s state affairs planning committee under the name “equity accumulation and profit-sharing housing.” Kim said shared-equity models have a strong public character aimed more at stabilizing residence than achieving full ownership. She added that Singapore’s housing policy succeeded because public-led supply continued, while South Korea’s housing is mostly privately owned. In areas with low home prices, she said, people may be unlikely to prefer shared equity, making it difficult to implement in practice.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:04:11

Proposed National Infrastructure Framework Act Seen as Chance to Modernize Korea’s Infrastructure On April 6, lawmakers Song Seok-jun and Son Myung-soo introduced the proposed National Infrastructure Framework Act, joined by 36 members of the National Assembly. The bill focuses on building national-level governance for infrastructure, including setting strategy and carrying it out, as well as evaluation. As the bill notes, major countries have been moving aggressively to build and rebuild infrastructure. In the United Kingdom, the government announced in June 2025 a plan titled “UK Infrastructure: A 10 Year Strategy.” It lays out long-term investment and management for the next decade, covering transport, energy, water and digital infrastructure, as well as social infrastructure such as schools and hospitals, with the goal of boosting economic growth and improving quality of life. Australia, after establishing its Infrastructure Investment Program for 2024-2033 in 2023, has been pushing road and rail investment under federal leadership. The United States also set a massive $2.5 trillion infrastructure investment plan in 2021 under the Biden administration, and the second Trump administration has continued to pursue infrastructure investment, as it did in the first. Japan, Taiwan and other Asian economies are taking similar approaches. These efforts are not aimed only at fixing aging assets or generating short-term stimulus. Strategic infrastructure investment to upgrade a country’s core facilities has become a necessary task for the future, as competition intensifies in a global economy shaped by “country-first” policies. The need is also growing for investment tied to mid- and long-term goals amid rapid digitalization and climate-change response. In that context, the newly introduced bill is significant because it would provide a legal foundation for strategic investment, from planning to implementation and evaluation, through national governance. South Korea has not lacked large-scale infrastructure plans in the past: the 2017 Urban Regeneration New Deal, the 2019 plan to overhaul aging infrastructure and expand “living SOC” investment, the 2021 Digital New Deal 2.0, and a 2026 private investment plan worth 100 trillion won. National plans for major infrastructure such as roads, railways and ports are also regularly established under related laws. But many large investment plans have struggled to deliver results, often because responsibility was spread across multiple actors, making consistent execution difficult, and because projects were pushed down the priority list. Against that backdrop, building national governance and a clear legal basis has been an important task. South Korea’s infrastructure conditions make investment hard to delay, the author wrote. Aging is severe: more than half of all roads are already more than 30 years old. More than 50% of rail facilities exceed their designed service life, and 30% are more than 40 years old. Ports and airports are not much different. Demand is also rising to upgrade key infrastructure as digital technology and AI spread rapidly. Expanding economic infrastructure to foster industry has become central to creating new growth engines. The author said strategic infrastructure expansion is essential for regions facing accelerating population decline and weakening growth momentum. Fundamentally, national infrastructure is a core foundation tied not only to economic growth but also to quality of life and a safe living environment, the author wrote, arguing that government investment should be expanded continuously and systematically. A strategic approach is needed that considers aging infrastructure, future growth engines and balanced regional development at the same time. The bill’s introduction should lead to more concrete discussion and full-scale action on national infrastructure measures, the author said.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 05:03:18

Korea Telecoms Agree to Add Basic QoS to Low-Cost Plans, Split on Price Cuts South Korea’s Science and ICT Ministry and the country’s three mobile carriers have agreed to apply a “data safety option” based on quality-of-service, or QoS, as a standard feature on low-cost plans as they negotiate measures aimed at lowering wireless bills.  According to the telecom industry on the 27th, SK Telecom, KT and LG Uplus accepted the government proposal to make QoS standard on cheaper plans as part of the ministry’s push to roll out unified LTE and 5G rate plans. The carriers were said to have little disagreement over how the unified plans would be structured, but they maintained that keeping current data allowances while cutting monthly fees by more than 10,000 won would be difficult.  The centerpiece of the overhaul is to apply QoS by default to all plans in the 20,000- to 30,000-won range so users can maintain a minimum level of data service. Under the QoS option, customers who use up their included data can continue to use unlimited data at speeds of 400 kilobits per second.  Carriers, however, are resisting proposals to lower prices while keeping data allowances unchanged. The government is said to be seeking about a 10,000-won cut per subscriber as it merges current 5G plans in the 50,000-won range with LTE plans in the 40,000-won range into unified offerings. The three carriers argue that, given network cost structures, cutting prices without reducing data would significantly damage profitability.  An industry official said all three carriers agreed with the government’s view that low-cost users should be able to access QoS without paying extra, but added that a roughly 10,000-won cut per person would be hard to accept. “Most 5G subscribers are on plans in the 50,000-won range, and offering the same data usage at prices in the 40,000-won range would be too big a loss,” the official said.  Analysts in the securities industry estimate that if the government’s price-cut plan goes ahead, the carriers’ combined operating profit could fall by 6% to 8%. They also warned that if disputes over network usage fees with global content providers such as Google are not resolved, the carriers would have limited room to offset the revenue decline. With carriers bearing most network investment costs, prolonged pressure on profitability could also affect their capacity to invest, they said.  The ministry estimates the overhaul would benefit about 7.17 million people and reduce annual telecom spending by 322.1 billion won. Industry observers said the actual impact could vary depending on the size of any price cuts and how they are applied.  A ministry official said the timing of the unified plans has not been finalized. “Additional talks are under way on several plans, and we are working to wrap things up in the first half,” the official said. * This article has been translated by AI. 2026-04-28 00:03:21