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  • AI Ecosystem Innovation Forum Launches as South Korea Aims to Become a Global AI Leader
    AI Ecosystem Innovation Forum Launches as South Korea Aims to Become a Global AI Leader The AI Ecosystem Innovation Forum, celebrating the launch of South Korea's first AI-focused economic broadcasting channel, ABC (AI Business Channel), commenced on July 9. Experts from government, industry, academia, and investment sectors gathered to discuss the nation's AI transformation strategy and industrial innovation direction. Held at the Grand Ballroom of The Plaza Hotel in Jung-gu, Seoul, the forum focused on the theme 'The Birth of New Media: Industrial Revolution Driven by the AI Ecosystem,' following the ABC launch ceremony the previous day. Im Kyu-jin, president of Aju Economy, stated in his opening remarks, "ABC aims to serve as a new media platform that organically connects AI technology, industry, policy, and economy, contributing to the development of South Korea's AI ecosystem. Today’s forum seeks to explore strategies and tasks necessary for South Korea to become one of the top three global AI powers and to share visions for the new industrial order shaped by AI." In a congratulatory address, Ryu Je-myung, the Second Vice Minister of Science and ICT, noted, "The global AI competition has escalated into an astronomical investment race," and outlined the government's plans to enhance national AI competitiveness through AI infrastructure, model competitiveness, and next-generation AI. He emphasized the 'Everyone's AI' project, aimed at ensuring that all citizens learn AI just as they learn the Korean language and arithmetic, with a goal of ushering in an era of one AI agent per person by the end of the year. Keynote speaker Lee Sedol, a former professional Go player and special professor at UNIST, addressed the topic 'Ten Years After AlphaGo: The Era of New Illiteracy.' He highlighted the widening gap between those who understand and utilize AI and those who do not, likening it to illiteracy. He cited examples from the Go community, where the ability to use AI has increased disparities among players, asserting that no matter how advanced AI becomes, it cannot replace human beliefs, philosophy, and insights grounded in narrative. Jung So-young, CEO of NVIDIA Korea, discussed 'The New Industrial Revolution Led by AI Factories,' predicting that data centers are evolving from cost centers into profit-generating factories that produce intelligence and tokens. She identified agentic AI and physical AI as the next battlegrounds, positioning South Korea as a key partner in the physical AI era due to its semiconductor and manufacturing competitiveness. In the afternoon, sessions focused on specific industries continued. In the 'AI & Tech' session, Park Hye-young, a principal solutions architect at Amazon Web Services (AWS), explored the reasons behind varying outcomes from the same AI implementations, offering insights into successful enterprise AI adoption. Following her, Yoon Sung-ho, CEO of MakinaRocks, presented real-world applications of physical AI in solving challenges in manufacturing. The 'AI & Finance' session featured Lee Jin-young, head of the Premier Family Office at Shinhan Bank, who shared strategies for asset management amid the AI investment boom, while Choi Chang-kyu, head of ETF research at Mirae Asset, discussed methods for selecting exchange-traded funds (ETFs) using AI. Finally, in the 'AI & Industry' session, Lim Sung-shin, head of the AI Development Division at Korea Aerospace Industries (KAI), presented on 'Developing Aerospace Weapon Systems with AI and Software,' forecasting that the future of aerospace weapon system development will be determined by the speed of intelligence evolution, surpassing mere platform performance competition. The ABC launch celebration will continue until July 10, concluding with a breakfast meeting at the National Assembly to present policy proposals generated during the forum. 2026-07-09 14:08:00
  • Lee Sedol: In the Age of AI, Narrative and Philosophy Matter More Than Go
    Lee Sedol: In the Age of AI, Narrative and Philosophy Matter More Than Go Lee Sedol, a former professional Go player and special professor at UNIST, emphasized that the gap between those who understand and utilize artificial intelligence (AI) and those who do not will widen significantly, akin to the divide between the literate and illiterate in the past. He stated that in the AI era, the ability to leverage technology and the unique human philosophy will become increasingly important.Lee made these remarks during a keynote speech titled 'Ten Years After AlphaGo: A New Era of Illiteracy' at the ABC Launch Commemoration AI Ecosystem Innovation Forum held at The Plaza Hotel in Jung-gu, Seoul, on July 9.He identified his 2016 match against AlphaGo as a turning point for the AI era. While it was initially seen as a mere event, he reflected that it marked the beginning of AI's transformative impact on society.After recently meeting Demis Hassabis, the developer of AlphaGo, Lee shared that Hassabis was inspired to immediately begin developing AlphaFold after gaining confidence from AlphaGo. He noted that AI innovations do not remain confined to one field but rapidly spread across various industries.Lee stressed the need for South Korea to become a leading nation in AI rather than just a good collaborator. He pointed out that while AI increases productivity, it also exacerbates disparities. He had initially thought that the proliferation of AI Go programs would level the playing field, but in reality, those who better understand and utilize AI have become stronger, widening the gap between top and lower-ranked players. This phenomenon is now evident in other industries as well.He recalled that in 2018, he had already discussed these changes within the Go community, but many dismissed it as a 'Go-only issue.' Now, the reality of AI-induced disparities is manifesting across all sectors.Lee cautioned against placing blind trust in AI, stating that while AI excels in areas with clear rules, it cannot be relied upon for everything. He emphasized that the roles of direction-setting, planning, designing, and final judgment ultimately belong to humans.He highlighted that the value of human narrative and philosophy will become even more significant in the AI era. 'Professional players do not just make good moves; they approach the game with their life experiences, beliefs, and philosophies,' he said. 'While AI may surpass humans in efficiency and correctness, it cannot create beliefs and philosophies rooted in narrative.' He added that in art and music, the essence of life and philosophy embedded within the work will become increasingly important.Lee also called for the establishment of guidelines for AI utilization. He noted that many people are not unaware of AI's importance but feel overwhelmed by how to effectively use it. He suggested that credible channels should provide verified information and guidance to reduce AI illiteracy.He concluded by stating that while he uses AI to receive daily news summaries, the responsibility of interpreting what that information means for society and business ultimately lies with humans. 'Only when the rapid facts provided by AI are combined with verified insights from experts can we truly navigate the AI era,' he said, expressing hope that ABC, the world's first AI-specialized channel, will serve as a guiding light in this new age. 2026-07-09 14:08:00
  • Labor Minister Kim Young-hoon: Enhancing Youth Employment Policies
    Labor Minister Kim Young-hoon: Enhancing Youth Employment Policies The government has decided to strengthen the connection between job programs in response to concerns that young people are not feeling the impact of substantial financial investments in youth employment support.On July 9, Labor Minister Kim Young-hoon held a meeting with young participants of key youth employment support programs at the Three Room youth cafe in Sillim-dong, Gwanak-gu. This meeting was organized to explore ways to improve policies from the perspective of young people, who have expressed difficulty in experiencing the benefits of government efforts.Young participants from the 'Youth Advancement Support Project' and the 'Youth Growth Project' attended the meeting. The Youth Advancement Support Project offers tailored programs to help young people who feel burdened by job preparation regain their confidence. Since its inception in 2021, 47,000 individuals have participated in the program.One participant from the Youth Advancement Support Project stated, "As my break extended, it became hard to maintain a regular routine, but participating in the project has helped me regain my lifestyle and reconsider my career path."The Youth Growth Project operates youth cafes where unemployed young people can prepare for employment. These cafes offer various programs aimed at helping young people manage job-related stress.Another attendee remarked, "Through the job stress management program at the youth cafe, I found the motivation to try again. The resume and interview counseling program helped me learn how to articulate my experiences as stories."However, some field workers expressed concerns about gaps in the connection between different programs. A representative from the Youth Advancement Support Project noted, "When young people who do not meet the participation criteria come to apply, we try to connect them to related programs like the Youth Growth Project, but it seems that disconnections occur in that process."In response, Minister Kim Young-hoon stated, "We will work harder to create programs that young people can truly feel. We will develop measures to strengthen the connection between the Youth Advancement Support Project and the Youth Growth Project to encourage more young people to participate."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-09 14:04:00
  • NATO Summit Concludes Without Major Disruptions Despite Trump Comments
    NATO Summit Concludes Without Major Disruptions Despite Trump Comments The NATO summit, which began with uncertainty due to remarks from President Donald Trump, concluded without major disruptions. Trump mentioned trade issues with Spain, the Greenland situation, and the Iran conflict in public, but reportedly praised member countries' efforts to increase defense spending during private discussions.According to Reuters and the Associated Press, NATO leaders reaffirmed the principles of collective defense and the commitment to increase defense budgets during the summit held in Ankara, Turkey, on July 8.After the meeting, Trump told reporters, "There was a lot of unity, and there was tremendous love in that room."Prior to the meeting, the atmosphere was tense. Trump raised concerns that Spain was not meeting NATO's defense spending guidelines and suggested the possibility of trade disruptions. He also reiterated the need for U.S. control over Greenland, which heightened worries among European leaders.However, no public confrontations occurred during the private sessions. Attendees reported that Trump did not bring up the Greenland issue and acknowledged the contributions of member countries that met defense spending targets. European officials reacted positively, noting that Trump did not publicly threaten to withdraw from NATO.Support for Ukraine was also highlighted as a significant outcome. Trump announced that he would allow Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to produce U.S. Patriot missile defense systems. The Financial Times described this as one of the most notable achievements of the summit.Nonetheless, it remains uncertain how long the friendly atmosphere will last. Trump's unpredictable remarks and potential changes in U.S. security policy toward Europe continue to pose challenges for NATO. The Wall Street Journal noted that while the summit reaffirmed alliance cohesion, it may take time for increased military spending in Europe to translate into actual military capabilities.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-09 14:04:00
  • Financial Authorities Discuss Inclusive Finance Expansion in Jeonju
    Financial Authorities Discuss Inclusive Finance Expansion in Jeonju The financial authorities convened in Jeonju, North Jeolla Province, to discuss measures for expanding region-centered inclusive finance. The aim is to enhance financial accessibility for local residents, small businesses, and medium-sized enterprises, thereby supporting the recovery of the local economy.On July 9, the Financial Services Commission held the '6th Meeting on Transformative Inclusive Finance and Local Finance' at the North Jeolla Provincial Office of Small and Medium Enterprises and Startups. Attendees included Lee Won-taek, Governor of North Jeolla Province, Park In-hwan, head of the Korea Post, presidents of local banks from Jeonbuk, Gwangju, and Busan, as well as representatives from Kakao Bank, NH Financial Group, the Financial Supervisory Service, the Korea Banks Association, and the insurance industry, along with local small business and medium enterprise organizations.The meeting was organized to review policy tasks aimed at improving local financial accessibility and revitalizing local finance, while also listening to the financial challenges faced by the community. The chairman emphasized, 'Balanced regional development is not just a local issue; it is a national task that influences the sustainable growth of South Korea.' He added, 'Local finance is a key foundation that protects the daily lives of small business owners and supports the growth of local enterprises.'The Financial Services Commission plans to implement lifestyle-oriented financial policies that residents and small businesses can easily access. Starting July 20, a pilot project for banking agency services will begin at 20 designated post offices nationwide. Residents who find it difficult to visit bank branches will be able to consult and apply for personal loans from Kookmin, Shinhan, Woori, and Hana Banks at their nearest post office, compare the results of bank assessments, and finalize loan agreements.Joint loans will also be promoted, allowing local banks and internet-only banks to provide loans to small businesses and individual entrepreneurs together. The Financial Services Commission plans to review the designation of innovative financial services this month and support the development of systems to launch these products by 2027. This initiative aims to reduce the interest burden on local small businesses and entrepreneurs by combining the local banks' assessment capabilities with the low funding costs and non-face-to-face channels of internet banks.Additionally, mutual insurance for vulnerable local groups will be expanded. The insurance sector is utilizing a 30 billion won mutual fund to provide free customized insurance to vulnerable groups within local governments. North Jeolla Province signed a mutual insurance business agreement with the insurance sector last September, becoming the first in the nation to do so, and next month, comprehensive insurance for small business owners, including accident and fire insurance, will be provided free of charge.In the future, the Financial Services Commission plans to offer accident insurance and healthcare services to vulnerable elderly individuals living alone, as well as expand insurance coverage to address new risks such as climate disasters and voice phishing. The revamped mutual insurance products are targeted for release in the first quarter of 2027.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-09 14:04:00
  • Home Prices Rise in Seouls Northern Districts, Shifting Away from Gangnam
    Home Prices Rise in Seoul's Northern Districts, Shifting Away from Gangnam As home prices in Seoul continue to rise, the upward trend that was once centered in the Gangnam area is now spreading to northern and non-Gangnam regions. In Gyeonggi Province, the price increase that began in Dongtan is extending to major southern areas such as Yongin and Suwon, sustaining a strong market across the metropolitan area.According to the Korea Real Estate Agency's report on the national weekly apartment price trends for the first week of July (as of July 6), Seoul's apartment sale prices increased by 0.30%, up from 0.27% the previous week. The agency noted, "While some areas are still in a wait-and-see mode, transactions are continuing in complexes with development potential and in well-located, large-scale projects near stations."This survey highlighted a notable increase in the northern districts. The average increase in the 14 northern districts was 0.33%, surpassing the 0.28% rise in the 11 southern districts. Among individual districts, Seongbuk-gu recorded the highest increase at 0.51%, followed by Guro-gu (0.50%), Jungnang-gu (0.39%), Gwangjin-gu (0.38%), Gangbuk-gu (0.37%), and Dongdaemun-gu (0.36%). In the Gangnam area, Songpa-gu and Gangdong-gu both saw the highest increase at 0.34%, with Yeongdeungpo-gu (0.32%) and Gwanak-gu (0.31%) following.The Korea Real Estate Agency explained that Seongbuk-gu's growth is driven by large complexes in Hawolgok and Jongam-dong, while Jungnang-gu's increase is centered around the Shinnae and Myeonmok-dong areas near stations. Gwangjin-gu's growth is attributed to small and medium-sized complexes in Guui and Jayang-dong. This trend reflects an influx of actual demand into relatively affordable areas, along with expectations for redevelopment.In Gyeonggi Province, the southern region continues to show strength. Dongtan in Hwaseong recorded the highest increase in the country at 1.29%, followed by Yeongtong-gu in Suwon (1.19%), Guri (0.64%), Giheung-gu in Yongin (0.56%), and Bundang-gu in Seongnam (0.48%). In contrast, Pyeongtaek (-0.11%) and Icheon (-0.13%) experienced declines, indicating regional disparities.Nam Hyuk-woo, a real estate researcher at Woori Bank, stated, "Although the price increase in Dongtan has somewhat slowed, demand is shifting to Giheung-gu in Yongin, maintaining the strength in southern Gyeonggi. We are also seeing a spread of demand for upgrading to areas like Yeongtong in Suwon and Bundang in Seongnam."Nationally, there remains a temperature difference between the metropolitan area and other regions. Nationwide apartment sale prices rose by 0.11%, while the metropolitan area saw a 0.22% increase, compared to a mere 0.01% rise in other regions. Among the 181 cities and districts surveyed, 108 saw price increases, an increase from the previous week, while the number of areas experiencing declines dropped to 60.The rental market also continued its upward trend. The average rent for apartments in Seoul increased from 0.30% to 0.31%. The Korea Real Estate Agency noted that areas like Seongdong-gu (0.46%), Nowon-gu (0.44%), Gangdong-gu (0.43%), and Songpa-gu (0.42%) are seeing sustained rental contracts due to preferences for school districts, proximity to stations, and large complexes. 2026-07-09 14:04:00
  • Ukraine and Russia Intensify Conflict Amid U.S. and NATO Support
    Ukraine and Russia Intensify Conflict Amid U.S. and NATO Support Ukraine and Russia are escalating their conflict, targeting major cities and rear facilities. Amid this, President Donald Trump announced he would allow local production of Patriot air defense missiles in Ukraine, while NATO reaffirmed its commitment to substantial military support, raising questions about the evolving dynamics of the war.According to reports from AFP and Reuters on July 8, Russia launched ballistic missiles and drones toward Kyiv overnight. The attack resulted in at least one death and two injuries. Ukrainian military and local authorities reported that over 80% of the 169 drones launched by Russia were intercepted, but all five ballistic missiles were not intercepted.Russia has continued its airstrikes targeting Kyiv and surrounding areas this month. While claiming to attack military-related facilities, the frequency of large-scale attacks has increased, leading to significant civilian casualties.In response, Ukraine has expanded its counteroffensive capabilities, targeting deep into Russian territory. Recently, Ukraine has intensified long-range drone strikes against Russian oil facilities and military supply lines, including an attack on the Omsk refinery, one of Russia's largest, located 2,700 kilometers away.In the Sea of Azov, Russia has been under attack for three consecutive days, targeting a fleet used to supply fuel to Crimea and occupied southern Ukraine. The Ukrainian military explained that this aims to disrupt a key supply route for Russian military bases in occupied territories.As Ukraine's offensive continues, Russia is facing increased challenges. Reports indicate that Russia has acknowledged fuel shortages and has begun importing gasoline from India and Kazakhstan. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio noted during a meeting that one of the changing dynamics in the war is Russia's increasing difficulties in defending its airspace.U.S. and NATO Reaffirm Support for UkraineDuring the NATO summit in Ankara, Trump met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and announced he would permit the local production of Patriot missiles in Ukraine. Trump stated, "We will give them the authority to make Patriots and show them how to make them. This way, they cannot complain that we are not providing enough." This response came after Zelensky requested a production license for Patriots, citing a lack of air defense systems to intercept Russian ballistic missiles.Trump also expressed that Russia is under pressure due to changes on the battlefield. He mentioned to reporters that he planned to speak with President Putin and indicated that Russia's conditions for ending the war are changing. He told Zelensky, "Those conditions seem to be moving in a direction you might want," adding, "We are putting a lot of pressure on President Putin. He is not happy with what is happening now."Following the meeting, Zelensky took to social media to express gratitude for the productive discussions with Trump and his team, emphasizing the importance of strengthening Ukraine's air defense capabilities to protect its citizens.The Financial Times described this meeting as one of the most unexpected moments of the NATO summit. Despite Trump's criticisms of European allies regarding defense spending and issues with Iran, he delivered an unusually supportive message toward Ukraine. European allies are cautiously optimistic, interpreting this as a sign that U.S. support for Ukraine is shifting toward Kyiv.NATO also reaffirmed its support for Ukraine. In the declaration adopted at the Ankara summit, NATO leaders committed to providing €70 billion (approximately $120 billion) in military equipment and training support to Ukraine this year, pledging to maintain at least the same level of support through 2027. They also promised to enhance defense industry cooperation and joint production capabilities, citing Russia as a long-term threat to European and transatlantic security.As Ukraine continues to pressure Russia through drone offensives, the added support from the U.S. and NATO raises the possibility of a more favorable shift in the conflict's dynamics. Orisia Luchevich, a deputy director at the London-based think tank Chatham House, told the Financial Times, "Trump has received reports that Ukraine is currently taking the lead in the war. It seems that Putin is refusing a good deal, and now Ukraine appears to be in a strong position with its medium and long-range drone technology."However, some analysts caution that significant changes in the conflict may be difficult, given Ukraine's ongoing troop shortages and economic pressures. The security journal The Interpreter noted, "Russia shows no willingness to compromise, and as Ukraine gains confidence, the likelihood of reaching an unacceptable agreement under pressure decreases, indicating that the war shows no signs of ending soon."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-09 14:00:00
  • Türkiyes NATO moment arrives, but the price of trust remains unpaid
    Türkiye's NATO moment arrives, but the price of trust remains unpaid SEOUL, July 09 (AJP) - For years, Türkiye occupied an uncomfortable place inside NATO: too important to expel, too difficult to embrace. It was the ally that bought a Russian air defense system over Washington’s objections. The country that refused to join Western sanctions against Moscow after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The state that could sell drones to Kyiv while keeping open channels to the Kremlin. The government whose president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, jailed critics at home while presenting himself abroad as a broker among presidents, generals and strongmen. But at this week’s NATO summit in Ankara, the old language of irritation gave way to the language of necessity. Türkiye was not the problem child standing outside the room. It was the host. That fact alone captured one of the central shifts in the alliance since Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022: NATO’s most awkward members can also become some of its most useful. And few countries have turned wartime disorder into strategic leverage as effectively as Türkiye. The summit brought together the leaders of NATO’s 32 member states at a moment when the alliance is trying to rearm at speed, prepare for a diminished American security guarantee, sustain Ukraine, contain Russia and widen defense-industrial cooperation beyond Europe and North America. It was also attended by partner countries, including South Korea, whose president, Lee Jae Myung, used the gathering to pitch Seoul as a reliable supplier and co-producer in NATO’s expanding defense market. Yet the summit’s deeper story belonged to Turkey. More precisely, it belonged to the strange return of Turkish power inside an alliance that had spent much of the past decade wondering whether Ankara was drifting away from the West. The clearest sign came from President Donald Trump, who met Erdogan on the sidelines of the summit and said the United States would move to lift sanctions on Türkiye imposed over its purchase of Russia’s S-400 air defense system. Trump also said he would consider allowing Turkey to acquire F-35 fighter jets, though he stopped short of announcing a completed sale. For Ankara, that was not just an arms issue. It was a symbolic reopening of a door that had been slammed shut in 2019, when the United States removed Türkiye from the F-35 program over fears that the Russian system could expose the stealth jet’s vulnerabilities to Moscow. For NATO, it was something larger: a test of whether the alliance’s need for Türkiye has grown strong enough to overcome its mistrust of Türkiye. The return of the indispensable ally Türkiye’s rise has not come from a sudden ideological return to the West. It has come from the opposite: Ankara’s insistence on not fully belonging to any camp. That ambiguity once made Türkiye suspect. Now, in a world of overlapping wars and unstable alliances, it has made Türkiye useful. Türkiye sits at the hinge of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. It controls the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, giving it influence over naval access between Russia’s Black Sea fleet and the wider world. It has the second-largest army in NATO after the United States. Its defense industry has become faster, cheaper and more export-oriented. Its drones, ships, armored vehicles and air defense systems are increasingly visible in conflicts from Ukraine to the Caucasus, Africa and the Middle East. And unlike many Western governments, Ankara has kept open channels to Moscow. That has allowed Erdogan to play a role that few other NATO leaders can plausibly attempt: arming one side while talking to the other. “The initial boost to Türkiye’s role was the result of its efforts to mediate between the two sides, despite Ankara being inside NATO and providing TB2 drones to Ukraine to defend itself from Russia in 2022,” said Matteo Fumagalli, director of the Institute of Middle East, Central Asia and the Caucasus Studies (MECACS) at the University of St Andrews. “These included high-level meetings in Istanbul, which culminated in the Istanbul Protocol. Nothing came out of it in the end, but the efforts made Turkey an actor regarded as legitimate and acceptable by all parties.” The Istanbul talks did not end the war. But they changed the diplomatic perception of Türkiye. Ankara was not neutral in the strict sense. It was a NATO member. It had sold weapons to Ukraine. It had blocked some naval movements through the Turkish Straits. But it also did not close its door to Russia. That combination — partial alignment, partial distance — has become the core of Türkiye’s post-Ukraine-war influence. Timo Kivimäki, professor of international relations at the University of Bath and a senior non-resident fellow at the Sejong Institute, described Türkiye as part of a new category of states whose value lies not in unquestioned loyalty but in diplomatic independence. “I think Türkiye has earned its peace superpower role by working independently and competently for peace,” he said. “They are a NATO country, yet, in many international conflict they can take distance from their NATO commitments, and that is what makes them valuable.” For decades, Western alliance politics rewarded predictability. The Ukraine war has rewarded a different quality: access. Access to Moscow. Access to Kyiv. Access to Washington. Access to the Middle East. Access to military production capacity. Türkiye has all of them. A war that weakened Russia and strengthened Türkiye The Ukraine war has helped Türkiye in both direct and indirect ways. Directly, it made Türkiye a necessary actor in the Black Sea. Ankara helped broker the Black Sea grain corridor, one of the few diplomatic arrangements that temporarily eased the war’s global economic fallout. It also launched a minesweeping initiative with Romania and Bulgaria to keep parts of the western Black Sea safer for shipping. Rick Fawn, professor of international relations at the University of St Andrews, said Turkey had emerged as one of the clearest beneficiaries of the war’s strategic disruption. “If there is one single conclusion it is that Türkiye is the ‘winner.’ Ankara cleverly does its own thing,” he said. Fawn said Türkiye had become the “lynchpin to Black Sea security and that of NATO’s eastern flank,” but always “on its own terms.” That phrase — on its own terms — is essential. Türkiye’s usefulness to NATO has not made it more obedient. It has made it more demanding. Ankara has used its leverage to seek relief from defense restrictions, access to European security initiatives and the revival of a weapons relationship with Washington. At the summit, Erdogan called for NATO allies to remove defense-industry restrictions against one another, arguing that exclusionary practices, including those linked to European Union membership, risked creating artificial divisions inside Europe. The indirect effects of the Ukraine war may be just as important. Stefanie Ortmann, professor of international relations at the University of Sussex, said Russia’s weakening has opened strategic space for Türkiye beyond Ukraine itself. “Some of this is a direct effect, as Erdogan has been able to maintain and indeed extend good relations with Russia, while also maintaining and extending relations with Ukraine," she observed, while noting the war weakened Russia’s ability to sustain influence in other regions. “Russia has been weakened by the invasion insofar as it has been unable to maintain its engagement in other parts of the world,” she said. “Russia has stopped supporting Armenia in the conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh, which has led to the ethnic cleansing of the enclave in 2023 by Azerbaijan, supported by Türkiye both militarily and diplomatically.” She also pointed to Syria, where Russia’s reduced capacity to support Bashar al-Assad has created room for Türkiye to shape outcomes more directly. In other words, the Ukraine war did not merely increase Türkiye’s value inside NATO. It weakened Türkiye’s rivals in regions where Ankara had already been competing for influence. Trump and Erdogan, two transactional leaders Erdogan’s fortunes have also been helped by the return of Trump, a president who often treats alliances less as institutions than as negotiations among leaders. Trump’s relationship with Erdogan has long been unusually warm compared with Washington’s broader view of Türkiye. In his first term, Trump sometimes expressed sympathy for Ankara’s frustration over the F-35 dispute, even as U.S. officials warned that Türkiye’s S-400 system posed unacceptable risks to the stealth fighter program. Now, in his second term, Trump appears more willing to reopen the issue. Michael Plouffe, professor of international political economy at University College London, said the potential F-35 sale should be understood within Trump’s transactional approach to foreign policy. “Trump’s well-known affinity for strongman leaders put Erdogan in a rather favorable position when Russia invaded Ukraine, and he’s managed to leverage this affinity quite well to increase Türkiye’s regional influence,” he said. He added that Türkiye’s outsider status in Europe may have become an advantage. “Türkiye’s outsider status when it comes to Europe was something he was able to use to great effect when acting as an intermediary between Trump, Zelenskyy and Putin, as something of a less hawkish and more moderate voice in comparison to European members of NATO, and perhaps more closely attuned to Trump’s and Putin’s desires.” The relationship is not built on shared democratic values. It is built on a shared preference for leader-to-leader bargaining, visible strength and short-term deals. Plouffe was blunt about the F-35 question. “I would view the F-35 sale as a reward for Türkiye’s support for the Trump administration over the past couple of years, and as a warning to Netanyahu over Israel’s repeated sabotaging of the U.S.-Iranian efforts to de-escalate conflict,” he said. That interpretation highlights the complexity of the issue. A possible F-35 sale to Türkiye is not only about Türkiye and NATO. It is also about Israel, Iran, Syria, the balance of air power in the Middle East and Trump’s shifting relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel. Israel has long enjoyed a qualitative military edge in the region, and the spread of F-35s to other Middle Eastern powers would raise difficult questions in Washington. Türkiye is a NATO ally, but it is also a regional competitor whose relations with Israel have deteriorated sharply under Erdogan. That is why the F-35 issue remains a signal rather than a settlement. Andrew Scott, lecturer in the department of political science at University College London, cautioned against treating Trump’s comments as a done deal. “I’m also not entirely sure about the F-35 part,” he said. “He’s said he would ‘certainly consider’ selling them but nothing was actually approved yet. It was a signal, rather than a deal and I’m not sure how much you can trust Trump here." The F-35 as a measure of trust The F-35 is not merely another aircraft. It is a flying intelligence platform, a stealth strike system and a symbol of the most sensitive tier of American defense cooperation. That is why Türkiye’s removal from the program was so damaging. Ankara had been a partner in the F-35’s international development network and had invested heavily in the program. Turkish companies had expected a role in the jet’s supply chain. Türkiye had expected to modernize its air force around the aircraft. Instead, the S-400 purchase triggered sanctions and exclusion. The American concern was straightforward: If Türkiye operated both the Russian S-400 system and the F-35, Moscow might gain insight into how to detect or defeat the jet’s stealth capabilities. Ankara argued that the punishment was unjust. Washington insisted the risk was intolerable. The dispute became one of the clearest signs that Türkiye’s relationship with the United States had moved from alliance tension to strategic mistrust. Now, Trump’s willingness to revisit the issue suggests that the balance of pressure has shifted. Türkiye is no longer asking from a position of isolation. It is asking while hosting NATO, contributing to Black Sea security, expanding defense production and positioning itself as a mediator in multiple conflicts. But legal and political obstacles remain. Congress could resist any F-35 transfer. Israel could lobby against it. U.S. defense officials could insist that the S-400 system be removed, dismantled or transferred before any sale proceeds. That means Türkiye’s NATO comeback is real, but incomplete. Scott noted that Türkiye still faces major constraints. “It’s not all good though,” he said. “Israel still has air dominance over Syria, the economic situation is still very fragile and even in spite of their leverage in certain areas their EU accession has been frozen for years and shows no sign of being revived.” Türkiye may be more powerful than it was in 2022. But power has not erased vulnerability. South Korea enters the NATO market While Türkiye used the Ankara summit to demonstrate geopolitical leverage, South Korea used it to demonstrate industrial relevance. President Lee Jae Myung arrived in Ankara on July 7 as the leader of a NATO partner country at the invitation of Secretary General Mark Rutte. His schedule reflected Seoul’s ambitions: a meeting with Rutte, participation in talks with the Indo-Pacific Four partners — South Korea, Japan, Australia and New Zealand — and a keynote speech at a NATO defense industry forum titled “Shared Values, Stronger Industrial Base.” In his meeting with Rutte, South Korea and NATO agreed to launch negotiations on a basic procurement agreement that Seoul officials said would create an institutional foundation for Korean companies to participate in NATO’s joint defense procurement market. At the defense forum, Lee proposed what he called a “South Korea-NATO Defense Industry Partnership 2.0,” calling for cooperation to move beyond weapons sales toward joint research, production and operation of weapons systems. The timing was important. NATO is no longer focused only on military readiness in the abstract. It is trying to solve a production problem. Ukraine’s war has exposed the limits of Western stockpiles, ammunition output and industrial mobilization. NATO countries are spending more, but they also need suppliers that can produce quickly and reliably. That has opened space for countries like South Korea, whose defense industry has already expanded rapidly in Europe through major arms deals with Poland and other partners. Lee’s presence in Ankara therefore fit into the summit’s larger theme: the globalization of NATO’s defense-industrial base. Türkiye and South Korea represent two different answers to the same problem. Türkiye offers geography, wartime access and an increasingly capable domestic arms industry. South Korea offers scale, manufacturing discipline and a record of rapid delivery. Both are outside the traditional core of NATO power. Both are increasingly difficult for NATO to ignore. A summit about weapons, not only values The Ankara summit revealed a hard truth about the alliance: NATO still speaks the language of democracy, freedom and shared values, but its immediate needs are increasingly industrial and strategic. It needs ammunition. It needs drones. It needs air defense systems. It needs shipyards, missiles, armored vehicles and production lines that can expand faster than Russia’s. It needs partners that can help fill gaps. That reality has given Türkiye new bargaining power despite concerns over Erdogan’s domestic record. For years, European leaders criticized Türkiye’s democratic backsliding, its crackdown on opposition politicians, its pressure on the press and its expansive use of state power against critics. Those concerns have not disappeared. But at the Ankara summit, they were overshadowed by defense spending, Ukraine, weapons production and the search for new security arrangements. This is one of the uncomfortable lessons of the Ukraine war. Strategic utility can soften democratic criticism. Not erase it, but push it to the margins. Albert Weale, emeritus professor of political science at University College London, said Trump was unlikely to be troubled by Erdogan’s domestic authoritarianism. “Erdogan’s crackdown on the Turkish opposition will not be a problem for Trump,” he said. “Trump is so volatile and transactional that seeking a strategic rationale for his foreign policy may be fruitless.” Weale also warned that Türkiye’s rise should not be seen only through the Ukraine lens. “Türkiye’s rise to prominence in Trump’s eyes not unlikely to be connected with Ukraine,” he said. “Rather Türkiye has been vying with Israel to be the regional hegemon.” That competition with Israel adds another layer to the F-35 debate. If Washington allows Türkiye back into the program, it may strengthen NATO cohesion in one theater while complicating American relationships in another. The appeal of strategic ambiguity Türkiye’s foreign policy is sometimes described as hedging, though that word does not fully capture Ankara’s posture. Hedging implies cautious balancing. Türkiye’s approach is often more assertive: it pushes, bargains, delays, obstructs and mediates, depending on the issue. It blocked Sweden’s NATO accession for months before extracting concessions. It challenged Greece and Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean. It maintained ties with Russia while selling drones to Ukraine. It presented itself as a Muslim-majority NATO power, a Black Sea gatekeeper, a Middle Eastern actor, a Caucasus power and a Eurasian bridge. To critics, this is opportunism. To supporters, it is strategic autonomy. To many middle powers watching from outside Europe, it may look like a model. Fumagalli said Türkiye’s ability to maintain relations with the United States, Russia, China and regional actors may appeal to countries facing similar pressure to choose sides. “The fact that Ankara has been able to navigate very choppy waters geopolitically, maintaining decent relations with all parties, from the U.S. to Russia, China, and others is perhaps a lesson that other countries in its immediate neighborhood — South Caucasus? Central Asia? — might be interested in, since they face similar constraints,” he said. “It is difficult not to choose in today’s geopolitically fraught world, but hedging remains an appealing, and for the time being, feasible foreign policy strategy for a number of countries. Although Ankara does not quite hedge as such, its foreign policy conduct reminds of us of some of the aspects of this foreign policy strategy,” he added. This may be Türkiye’s most important export: not drones or armored vehicles, but a method. It is a method built on refusing permanent alignment, cultivating personal ties with powerful leaders, developing domestic defense capacity and using geography as leverage. It is risky, but in Türkiye’s case it has produced results. The limits of Türkiye’s comeback Still, Türkiye’s rise has boundaries. Its economy remains fragile, with inflation, currency weakness and investor concerns limiting Erdogan’s room for maneuver. Its EU accession process is frozen and shows little sign of revival. Its relations with several European governments remain strained. Its domestic politics continue to raise concerns among allies that define NATO as a democratic alliance, not merely a military one. Its relationship with Russia is also a source of both leverage and suspicion. The very channels that make Türkiye useful as a mediator also make some allies question Ankara’s reliability. The F-35 issue captures all of these contradictions. If the United States restores Türkiye’s access to the fighter, Erdogan can claim a major victory. It would show that Ankara endured years of pressure and emerged with its strategic importance recognized. It would also strengthen Türkiye’s hand against Greece and reassure its defense establishment that Türkiye has not been permanently downgraded in the American security hierarchy. But if the deal stalls in Congress, or if Washington demands unacceptable conditions on the S-400, the episode could deepen Turkish grievances and reinforce Ankara’s belief that the West will never fully trust it. Either outcome carries risks. For NATO, the dilemma is familiar but sharper than before: Türkiye is often difficult when it is weak, but it may be even more difficult when it is strong. What Ankara showed The Ankara summit did not resolve NATO’s Turkey problem. It reframed it. Türkiye is no longer just a source of friction. It is a source of capacity. It can shape Black Sea access, influence talks over Ukraine, complicate Russia’s naval posture, expand defense production and act as a bridge to regions where many Western governments have limited reach. That makes Türkiye valuable. It does not necessarily make it trusted. The same independence that allows Ankara to talk to Moscow makes allies nervous. The same defense industry that strengthens NATO’s capacity also gives Turkey more autonomy. The same personal diplomacy that appeals to Trump may weaken the institutional predictability on which alliances depend. Kivimäki argued that Trump’s “deal-orientation” has a positive side because it focuses on relationships between countries rather than dividing the world into democracies and autocracies. “There is research that show that such relation-orientation does help foster peace,” he said. But he also warned that Trump’s disregard for supranational institutions creates long-term risks. “At the same time, Trump does not have any respect for supranational realities such as the international law and the UN,” he said. “The development of supranational governance is the long-term hope for world peace, and thus Trump’s attitude that does not respect the UN or the law is problematic.” That tension — between deal-making and rules, between usefulness and values, between power and trust — ran through the summit. Türkiye has learned to thrive in that space. A new NATO, whether Europe likes it or not The image of NATO as a tidy club of like-minded democracies has always been partly myth. During the Cold War, the alliance included authoritarian members when strategic necessity demanded it. Today, the return of large-scale war to Europe has again made necessity more powerful than discomfort. Türkiye understands this. So does South Korea, though in a different way. Ankara is selling NATO its geography, its access and its ambiguity. Seoul is selling NATO its factories, its technology and its reliability. Both are beneficiaries of a new defense era in which production capacity has become a form of geopolitical power. 2026-07-09 13:52:08
  • Severe Rainfall Hits Seoul, First Flood Advisory Issued for Dorimcheon Area
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  • Violent Clashes in Pakistans Balochistan Leave 96 Dead in Four Days
    Violent Clashes in Pakistan's Balochistan Leave 96 Dead in Four Days Violent clashes between security forces and armed groups in Pakistan's southwestern Balochistan have resulted in over 90 deaths in four days.According to reports from Reuters and the Associated Press, the Pakistani military confirmed that 96 people have died in the region from July 4 to July 8.The casualties include 38 security personnel, 4 civilians, and 54 members of armed groups.The most significant losses occurred in the Ziarat area, where armed groups attacked a police checkpoint, killing 9 officers. Additionally, 18 police officers who had been abducted were found murdered. Pakistani security forces reported that they killed 15 militants in subsequent operations.The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) claimed responsibility for an ambush on a convoy of Pakistani soldiers traveling on a highway, resulting in the deaths of 11 soldiers. The military stated that 14 BLA members were killed in the ensuing firefight.Casualties among civilians were also reported on the outskirts of Quetta, where authorities stated that 4 residents were killed and 6 others injured in an armed attack. Military officials indicated that clashes continue in some areas.Balochistan, the largest province in Pakistan by area, shares borders with Afghanistan and Iran. Despite its rich natural resources, it is considered one of the most economically underdeveloped regions. Separatist groups like the BLA have long demanded independence, claiming that the Pakistani government and foreign investors are exploiting local resources.Pakistan alleges that India and Afghanistan are backing local armed groups, a claim that both countries deny.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-09 13:52:00