Journalist
Lee Jung-woo이정우
cannes2030@ajupress.com
ReporterMinistry of Unification & North Korea, Politics, Foreign Affairs
I studied philosophy in college, and sociology and journalism in graduate school. I cover North Korea, South Korean politics, foreign affairs and films. I enjoy Nordic cinema, Indian cuisine and Japanese detective novels. I have a cat and like bright, acidic coffee.
"Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
"Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Latest by Lee Jung-woo
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Lawmaker Kim Gunn seeks legal mandate to shield companies abroad SEOUL, July 21 (AJP) - A former diplomat turned lawmaker introduced legislation Tuesday that would give South Korean embassies and consulates an explicit legal mandate to help Korean companies navigate sudden regulatory changes and other obstacles overseas. Rep. Kim Gunn of the main opposition People Power Party proposed the bill, tentatively titled the Act on Support for Overseas-Expanding Companies by Diplomatic Missions, aiming to turn South Korea's overseas missions into more systematic support centers for businesses operating abroad or preparing to expand into new markets. South Korean companies have been pushing further into overseas investment and competing for major construction, engineering, infrastructure and natural resources projects even as economic nationalism intensifies and global supply chains get reorganized around the world. That combination has left companies exposed to risks that go beyond ordinary market competition, since a change in a host country's laws, administrative procedures or industrial policy can upend the conditions a company is operating under with little warning. South Korean missions, Kim's office said, have lacked a clear enough legal basis to step in and help when that happens. Under the bill, the foreign minister would be authorized to set policy for supporting South Korean companies overseas, and ambassadors, consuls general and other heads of mission would be required to carry out that policy according to local conditions. Companies could request information from a mission about a host country's economic and industrial conditions, its investment environment, and changes underway to local laws, regulations or administrative procedures. The mission could collect and analyze that material, seeking cooperation from other government agencies as needed. Missions could also assist companies facing difficulties with local authorities, drawing on official communication channels, local networks and negotiating capacity. The bill stops short of giving companies an unrestricted right to diplomatic intervention. Missions would be required to treat applicants fairly, provide only the minimum support deemed necessary, and avoid granting improper favors to any particular company or individual. A mission would have to reject a request if providing the information could damage diplomatic relations or national security, if the assistance sought would involve breaking the law, or under other grounds set by presidential decree, and the company would have to be told why. The bill also includes confidentiality provisions barring current and former diplomatic personnel from disclosing trade secrets or other sensitive corporate information obtained in the course of their duties, and would allow the foreign minister to survey South Korean companies about their overseas operations and difficulties to help shape future support policy. Kim, 59, is a first-term proportional-representation lawmaker who entered the National Assembly in 2024 after more than three decades in the foreign service. He joined the Foreign Ministry in 1989 and built much of his career around diplomacy involving the United States, China and North Korea, holding posts including deputy minister for political affairs, consul general in Vancouver and ambassador to Britain before serving as special representative for Korean Peninsula peace and security affairs, South Korea's chief envoy on North Korea's nuclear program. If passed, the legislation would take effect six months after its promulgation. "South Korea should make active use of its overseas diplomatic network so that Korean companies do not suffer disadvantages from sudden institutional changes or regulations imposed by host governments," Kim said. "Through this legislation, I hope our diplomatic missions around the world will establish themselves as support hubs that provide practical assistance for Korean companies' overseas activities." 2026-07-21 16:09:55 -
High-school baseball team gets reduced ban over chants mocking Gwangju uprising SEOUL, July 21 (AJP) - Paichai High School's baseball team can now return to competition after South Korea's top sports disciplinary body cut its ban from six months to one month over chants mocking the 1980 Gwangju democratic uprising. The Sports Fairness Committee of the Korean Sport & Olympic Committee (KSOC) made the decision after a meeting in southern Seoul on Monday, reversing most of the punishment issued by the Korea Baseball Softball Association (KBSA) early this month, after it drew widespread criticism as excessive. The KSOC committee serves as the final appeals body for disciplinary decisions made by its affiliated sports organizations, and its decision took effect immediately. Lee Young-jin, chairman of the committee, said the players' misconduct clearly constituted grounds for punishment but concluded that the original six-month suspension was excessive. Lee said the committee considered that the players were "still in the process of learning," had traveled to Gwangju to apologize and had been forgiven by the opposing school. The potential impact of the suspension on the students' college admissions and athletic careers was also taken into account. The controversy erupted during Paichai's first-round game against Gwangju Jeil High School at the 81st Cheongryonggi National High School Baseball Championship at Mokdong Stadium in western Seoul on June 29. With Paichai leading 6-2 in the top of the eighth inning, several players in its dugout repeatedly chanted, "Let's go, let's go, let's go to Starbucks," toward the Gwangju team's dugout. Another player shouted, "Tank Day." The chanting continued until Gwangju Jeil coaches protested and game officials intervened. Video footage of the incident later spread across social media, prompting criticism that the players had used regional hatred and a national tragedy as material for taunting an opponent. The references carried a particularly charged meaning because Gwangju Jeil is based in the southern city at the center of South Korea's most painful episode of military repression. The chants appeared to invoke a Starbucks Korea marketing scandal that erupted weeks earlier. On May 18, the anniversary of the Gwangju uprising, the coffee chain promoted an oversized tumbler called a "tank" under a campaign labeled "Tank Day." Critics said the promotion evoked the tanks, troops and helicopters used to suppress pro-democracy demonstrators in Gwangju in May 1980. Starbucks Korea withdrew the promotion amid a nationwide backlash, while Shinsegae Group, the Korean retail conglomerate that controls the local Starbucks business, dismissed the chain's chief executive. Shinsegae Chairman Chung Yong-jin later made a televised apology to the victims, bereaved families and the public. The Gwangju democratic uprising occurred on May 18, 1980, after students and residents resisted the expansion of martial law under the military leadership of strongman Chun Doo-hwan. Government forces violently crushed the demonstrations after days of confrontation, killing or injuring hundreds. The uprising later became a defining symbol of South Korea's struggle against dictatorship and its transition to democracy. The KBSA's Sports Fairness Committee responded to the June baseball incident on July 1 by banning Paichai from national competitions for six months and ordering the forfeiture of its remaining Cheongryonggi games. The penalty would effectively have barred the school from every remaining national tournament this year. Paichai said after conducting an internal inquiry that the players who initiated the chants claimed not to have fully understood their historical meaning. School officials acknowledged, however, that the students knew Starbucks had apologized for the "Tank Day" campaign and promised history, human rights and anti-hate education for the baseball team and the wider student body. Players, coaches, school officials and parents traveled to Gwangju on July 6 to deliver an official apology to Gwangju Jeil. The two teams also visited the May 18 National Cemetery, where victims of the uprising and figures associated with South Korea's democratization movement are honored. Gwangju Jeil accepted the apology and subsequently asked sports authorities to show leniency, saying the Paichai students appeared to be sincerely reflecting on their misconduct. Paichai filed an appeal with the KSOC on July 8. The case also prompted a broader debate over how language originating in extremist online communities and social media can spread among teenagers who may repeat hateful expressions without fully understanding their historical origins. Han Kang, the South Korean Nobel literature laureate whose novel "Human Acts" portrays the violence and trauma of the Gwangju uprising, said last week that the Paichai incident should not simply be allowed to fade from public attention. She called on adults and educators to examine how hatred reaches young people and to treat the episode as an opportunity for social reflection. The reduced suspension allows Paichai to enter the 54th Bonghwangdaegi National High School Baseball Tournament, which opens Aug. 6. The tournament is effectively the school's final national competition of the year and an important showcase for third-year players seeking university admission or selection in professional baseball. Paichai is scheduled to face Incheon High School in the first round at Mokdong Stadium at 5 p.m. on Aug. 11. A rematch with Gwangju Jeil would be possible only if both schools advance to the final. 2026-07-21 15:16:47 -
South Korea sees 'no immediate oil supply disruptions' SEOUL, July 21 (AJP) - South Korea has enough crude oil supplies to last through September and expects no immediate disruption even if shipping through the Red Sea is halted, the government said on Tuesday, as lingering tensions in the Middle East put another major energy shipping route at risk. The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources said refiners had secured crude for July and August equivalent to more than 110 percent of last year's average import volume. Bookings for September have continued to rise and already exceed 90 percent of the volume imported during the same period last year. "We have confirmed that there should be no major problem with crude oil supplies through September," said Yang Ki-wook, a senior official at the ministry. "Even if the Red Sea is blocked, we do not expect any particular difficulty." The assurances came after Yemen's Iran-aligned Houthi movement declared a maritime blockade against Saudi Arabia the previous day, raising fears that ships carrying Saudi exports could face attacks or restrictions near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the narrow gateway linking the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. The Houthis said the blockade took effect immediately in retaliation for what they described as Saudi Arabia's siege of Yemen. Saudi Arabia condemned the announcement and began taking measures to protect commercial vessels using its shipping routes. The threat is particularly significant because the Red Sea has served as an alternative outlet for Saudi crude while passage through the Strait of Hormuz remains vulnerable to the conflict involving the United States and Iran. Saudi Arabia can move crude through its East-West Pipeline from fields near the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea port of Yanbu, allowing exports to bypass Hormuz. Ships bound for Asian markets, however, must then pass through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait at the southern end of the Red Sea. A disruption there could sharply reduce the value of the Saudi bypass route and force tankers onto much longer voyages. Oil flows through Bab el-Mandeb averaged about 5.4 million barrels per day in the first quarter of 2026. By comparison, roughly 20 million barrels of oil and petroleum products passed through the Strait of Hormuz each day in 2024, equivalent to about one-fifth of global consumption. The ministry said vessels were continuing to operate normally in the Red Sea and that officials were monitoring conditions in real time. "If the Red Sea is blocked, the situation would become more difficult," Yang said. "But because that has not materialized, we are not taking any immediate action. Should problems arise, we would have to devise alternative means, including routes involving the Suez Canal." The latest escalation comes after a brief period of easing tensions following a June 17 memorandum of understanding (MOU) between Washington and Tehran aimed at ending their hostilities. The situation deteriorated again in July after Iran announced renewed restrictions around Hormuz and the United States resumed military action against Iranian targets. Of six South Korea-bound tankers that passed through Hormuz after the June agreement, three have already reached the country, while the remaining three are expected to arrive this week, the ministry said. South Korea remains highly exposed to disruptions in Middle Eastern energy supplies because it produces virtually no crude oil domestically and operates one of Asia’s largest refining and petrochemical industries. Middle Eastern suppliers accounted for about 69.9 percent of the country's crude imports in 2025, despite efforts to expand purchases from the United States and other regions. The government began allowing domestic refiners to borrow crude from national reserves in March under the country's first strategic oil swap program. Refiners receiving reserve oil are required to return the same amount after their delayed overseas shipments arrive. The measure was introduced after the Hormuz crisis disrupted tanker movements and increased the risk of temporary shortages at individual refineries. Korea National Oil Corp. held about 100 million barrels of government crude and petroleum reserves at the end of 2025, excluding stocks stored under joint arrangements with foreign producers. Its nine storage facilities have a combined capacity of about 146 million barrels. Officials said there was no immediate reason to resume the swap program because refiners had secured more than their normal crude requirements for July and August. The government could nevertheless reactivate the measure if the Middle East conflict drags on or shipping conditions deteriorate further. South Korea has also sought to strengthen direct supply arrangements with oil-producing countries. Earlier this month, the government and the United Arab Emirates' state-owned Abu Dhabi National Oil Co. agreed to expand cooperation on long-term crude supply, emergency coordination and oil storage in South Korea. The agreement followed a UAE pledge in March to provide up to 24 million barrels of crude. The government said it would continue tracking tanker movements, refinery inventories and international oil prices while considering additional cargoes from outside the Middle East. The widening risks around both Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb have highlighted the limits of relying on a single alternative route, even as officials maintain that South Korea has enough contracted supplies and emergency reserves to withstand a short-term disruption. 2026-07-21 14:38:30 -
Reality check for Korea's Lee and Japan's Takaichi as their honeymoons end SEOUL, July 20 (AJP) - The chemistry between South Korean President Lee Jae Myung and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi appeared immediate, culminating in an impromptu drumming performance during their January summit in Nara. They also had much in common. Both took office as agents of change after periods of political turmoil. Both entered government with approval ratings that would be enviable in almost any mature democracy. Both benefited from weakened opposition camps and presented themselves as decisive leaders capable of breaking with the drift and disorder associated with their predecessors. Lee took office on June 4, 2025, after winning a snap election triggered by the removal of former President Yoon Suk Yeol following his short-lived declaration of martial law. Takaichi became Japan’s first female prime minister on Oct. 21, 2025, giving the governing Liberal Democratic Party a new face after years of scandals, factional conflict and declining public trust. Their political honeymoons were unusually strong. Lee's first Gallup Korea approval rating stood at 64 percent in late June 2025 and later peaked at 67 percent in March and April 2026. Takaichi's Cabinet began with similarly robust support. A Kyodo News poll conducted immediately after its formation put approval at 64.4 percent, while Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun surveys measured 68 percent and 67 percent, respectively. Some later polls placed her support above 70 percent. The numbers reflected more than ordinary post-election goodwill. Lee benefited from a widespread desire to restore institutional stability after the martial law crisis. Even voters wary of his combative political style could view his government as a return to normal democratic administration. His emphasis on economic revival, pragmatic diplomacy and active government reinforced the perception that the presidency was functioning again. Takaichi combined the symbolism of becoming Japan's first female leader with a direct and energetic communication style. Her promises to raise disposable income, confront inflation and restore confidence resonated particularly strongly with younger voters. She quickly converted personal popularity into political power. In February, the LDP won 316 seats in the lower house, while the governing bloc, including the Japan Innovation Party, secured 352 of the chamber's 465 seats, exceeding the two-thirds threshold needed to override the upper house on ordinary legislation. By July, however, the mood surrounding both leaders had changed. Lee’s Gallup Korea approval rating fell to 52 percent in a July 14-16 survey, down from 67 percent at its spring peak. His disapproval rating rose to 37 percent. Realmeter placed his positive assessment lower, at 48.4 percent, marking a fifth consecutive week in the 40 percent range. Takaichi's decline was sharper in some polls. An Asahi survey conducted July 18-19 put Cabinet approval at 53 percent, down 7 percentage points from June and the lowest level since her government was formed. A Mainichi poll over the same weekend recorded approval at just 41 percent, down 10 points in a month, while disapproval rose to 44 percent. Polls from different countries and organizations are not directly comparable. Survey methods, political cultures and question wording differ. The more meaningful comparison is the direction of travel within each pollster's series. On that measure, both leaders have moved from unusually favorable conditions into the first genuinely difficult phase of governing. Their immediate problems differ. Takaichi faces a backlash over national identity, gender and the use of parliamentary power. Lee confronts a more diffuse set of doubts involving election administration, financial regulation, housing and younger voters. But the underlying question is the same: Can leaders who rose as symbols of change retain public trust once they become responsible for the failures and contradictions of the systems they control? Takaichi's imperial gamble The immediate trigger for Takaichi's latest decline appears to be parliament's July 17 revision of Japan’s Imperial House Law. The legislation was intended to address the shrinking size of the imperial family and the shortage of potential male heirs. Japan's succession rules permit only men descended through the male line to inherit the Chrysanthemum Throne. The revised law allows male-line descendants of former imperial branches that lost royal status after World War II to be adopted into the current imperial family. Their future male-line sons could then become eligible for succession. It also allows female members of the imperial family to retain their status after marrying commoners and continue performing official duties. Their husbands and children, however, would not become members of the imperial family. What the law does not permit is a female emperor. Princess Aiko, the only child of Emperor Naruhito and Empress Masako, therefore remains excluded. The succession line continues through the emperor's younger brother, Crown Prince Fumihito; Fumihito's son, Prince Hisahito; and the emperor's elderly uncle, Prince Hitachi. The reform addresses an administrative problem — how to maintain enough imperial family members to perform public duties — without confronting what many voters regard as the central question: why the emperor's daughter should remain ineligible solely because she is a woman. Polls have repeatedly shown that roughly 70 percent or more of Japanese voters would accept a female emperor or support Princess Aiko's accession. Instead, the government chose to reach into distant male branches separated from Emperor Naruhito by centuries of genealogy. Some potential candidates share an ancestor with him from roughly 600 years ago. The solution is vulnerable from both sides. Traditionalists may object that bringing people raised outside the imperial household into the family weakens the institution's continuity. Reformists argue that preferring a remote male relative over the emperor's daughter exposes the irrationality of preserving an exclusively male line. The Asahi poll found that 60 percent of respondents believed the revision had not gained sufficient public understanding. Among them, Cabinet approval stood at 42 percent and disapproval at 49 percent, suggesting that the controversy contributed materially to Takaichi’s decline. The Mainichi poll was more negative. Forty-five percent viewed the revision unfavorably, compared with 19 percent who approved. Sixty-two percent said they could not accept the continued exclusion of women from the throne. For Takaichi, the issue carries added symbolism. Her appointment as Japan's first female prime minister was widely seen as a breakthrough in one of the world's most male-dominated political systems. Yet she has long been associated with the conservative wing of the LDP and has resisted changes to traditional family and gender institutions. She is now defending a system in which she can lead the government but the emperor's daughter cannot inherit the throne. Takaichi argues that male-line continuity is a defining element of imperial legitimacy, not a broader judgment about women's ability to lead. But the controversy has reinforced concerns about how her government exercises power after its landslide lower house victory. In the Mainichi poll, 46 percent said the government was not sufficiently careful or respectful in advancing policy, while 38 percent judged its approach favorably. The result echoed opposition accusations that the governing bloc is using its numerical dominance to push through measures without adequately considering public objections. Many younger voters who initially admired Takaichi's energy and economic message did not necessarily embrace her social conservatism. They were drawn to her promises to increase take-home pay, reduce bureaucratic caution and provide faster economic relief. A supermajority can pass a law. It cannot manufacture public consent. Takaichi's government approved a major stimulus program in November 2025, including energy subsidies, tax measures and household assistance. Yet the weak yen, expensive food and energy, social insurance burdens and worries over fiscal sustainability continue to weigh on consumers. Her early support among younger voters was partly transactional. If living standards do not improve, it can disappear quickly. The imperial dispute is therefore dangerous because it reinforces a broader narrative: that the government is spending political capital on conservative institutional priorities while households remain preoccupied with the cost of everyday life. Economic discomfort combined with perceived ideological overreach has weakened governments far more secure than Takaichi's. Lee's more diffuse challenge Lee's decline has no single equivalent to Japan's Imperial House Law revision. Instead, a series of controversies has accumulated since early June, raising questions about competence, oversight and fairness. South Korea's June 3 local elections were marred in some areas by ballot-paper shortages and other administrative failures. The incidents angered voters who were delayed or unable to vote normally and revived broader distrust of the National Election Commission. Documented administrative failures must be distinguished from allegations of deliberate election fraud. Ballot shortages demonstrated serious planning and management problems. They did not prove that votes were fabricated or that officials sought to alter the results. But they occurred in a political environment already saturated with suspicion, allowing genuine logistical failures to fuel more sweeping claims. A Gallup Korea survey conducted June 9-11 found that 67 percent regarded the shortages as poor election management and an infringement of voting rights. Twenty-five percent saw them as evidence of illegal intervention or attempted fraud. On whether entirely new elections should be held, 44 percent agreed and 48 percent disagreed. Support for a rerun was particularly high among younger voters, reaching 67 percent among those aged 18 to 29 and 62 percent among people in their 30s. In the same survey, election-management failures, alleged fraud and problems involving the commission were cited by 16 percent of Lee's critics as the main reason for their negative assessment, the largest single category. His approval fell to 57 percent, down 7 points from the previous Gallup survey. By June 23-25, approval had fallen further to 51 percent. Economic and cost-of-living concerns led negative responses at 15 percent, while election-related issues and housing policy each accounted for 10 percent. The election commission is an independent constitutional institution, not an agency directly controlled by the presidency. Lee expressed regret and called for accountability, positioning himself alongside voters demanding reform. That may have limited the damage, but it did not resolve the deeper problem of institutional distrust. A stock-market success turns into a liability Lee made revival of the domestic stock market a central part of his economic agenda. He promoted corporate governance reform, stronger protection of minority shareholders and measures to reduce the "Korea discount." As the KOSPI rallied, the market became evidence that optimism and reform were returning. That narrative was weakened by extreme volatility in leveraged exchange-traded funds tied to individual companies, particularly Samsung Electronics and SK hynix. Introduced in late May, the products were designed to deliver roughly twice the daily movement of their underlying stocks. Because Samsung Electronics and SK hynix account for an unusually large share of the benchmark index, heavy trading in leveraged products linked to the two companies magnified pressure across the broader market. Such funds must rebalance as prices move. In volatile markets, that mechanism can force additional buying during rallies and additional selling during declines, amplifying momentum in both directions. The KOSPI, previously celebrated as one of the world's strongest major markets, began recording violent daily swings. Retail investors who entered at elevated prices faced losses, margin calls and growing concern that a market promoted as a vehicle for national wealth creation had become excessively speculative. Lee ordered regulators on July 15 to prepare safeguards. The Financial Services Commission suspended new listings of single-stock leveraged funds, increased the minimum retail deposit from 10 million won to 30 million won, raised minimum trading units and strengthened mandatory investor education. There is no evidence that Lee personally approved the products, and public criticism has also focused on regulators, the stock exchange and senior economic officials. Major polls have not yet identified leveraged ETFs as an independent driver of his approval decline. The political risk is nevertheless clear. The episode strikes at one of Lee's central claims: that his government can make Korean markets both more dynamic and fairer to ordinary investors. If retail investors conclude that the state encouraged risk during the boom and intervened only after losses emerged, the controversy becomes a story about unequal responsibility. Profits appear private at the top, while small investors bear the cost of belated regulation. Housing poses a more persistent threat. Korean presidents repeatedly discover that public judgment of the economy is inseparable from apartment prices. Rising prices reward existing owners but exclude younger and first-time buyers. Falling prices threaten highly leveraged households, construction and consumption. There is no politically painless equilibrium. Lee initially appeared to be performing well. In March, 51 percent of Gallup respondents positively assessed the government's housing policy, the highest favorable rating in the pollster's series since 2013. Only 27 percent judged it negatively. Four months later, the balance had reversed. A Gallup survey conducted June 30-July 2 found that 46 percent believed the government was handling housing poorly, while 26 percent approved. Fifty-five percent expected home prices to rise over the next year, compared with 14 percent who expected them to fall. Negative sentiment was strongest among younger adults. More than half of respondents in their 20s and 30s disapproved of the government’s housing policy. Among people in their 30s, 56 percent rated it negatively, the highest share of any age group, while just 15 percent approved. Critics most frequently cited the failure to restrain prices. Lending restrictions and excessive regulation were also mentioned. The tension is obvious. Young Koreans are told that household debt is excessive and tighter lending rules are necessary. But when borrowing limits are tightened without a corresponding fall in prices, people without family wealth are placed at an even greater disadvantage against cash-rich buyers. Credit controls can therefore deepen perceptions of unfairness if they fail to cool the market. Older homeowners may regard rising apartment values as economic security. For salaried workers in their 20s and 30s, they can represent the disappearance of any realistic path into the middle class. Lee knows the political history. The previous progressive administration of Moon Jae-in was badly damaged when Seoul housing prices surged despite repeated regulation. Lee has sought to distinguish himself by combining supply, redevelopment and regional development with financial controls. But voters judge outcomes faster than housing supply can be delivered. Gallup's July 14-16 survey showed housing as the second-most cited reason for disapproving of Lee, at 11 percent. Economic conditions, livelihoods and the weak won ranked first at 16 percent. That combination is politically combustible. Households are not only worried that homes are unaffordable. They also fear that daily costs are rising and their savings are losing purchasing power. Macroeconomic optimism rarely overcomes that experience. Lee's unresolved youth problem Housing is central to Lee’s fourth challenge: weak support among younger voters. Even when his national approval was near its peak, Lee performed less strongly among people in their 20s than among voters in their 40s and 50s. A Gallup report in April showed his approval among young adults remaining in the 40 percent range while his national rating stood in the mid-60s. By June 23-25, approval among those aged 18 to 29 had fallen to 36 percent, the lowest of any age group. Approval among people in their 30s stood at 47 percent, also below the national average. Several forces are at work. The first is the generational gender divide. Young women played an important role in Lee's 2025 victory. Exit polling indicated that about 58 percent of women in their 20s and 57 percent of those in their 30s supported him, while many young men backed conservative or third-party candidates. Lee therefore entered office with a divided youth coalition. Some young women expected stronger action on workplace discrimination, digital sex crimes and gender-based violence and have become frustrated by what they see as excessive caution. Young men remain skeptical of the Democratic Party's positions on military service, recruitment, gender policy and fairness. Attempts to avoid alienating either side risk satisfying neither. Employment is another concern. Young Koreans face intense competition for stable entry-level jobs at large companies and public institutions, while artificial intelligence and automation create uncertainty over white-collar careers. Semiconductor-led growth and rising asset prices do not necessarily translate into opportunity for graduates and first-time job seekers. Housing and asset inequality deepen the frustration. Older generations who bought homes before major price increases accumulated wealth even when wage growth was modest. Younger workers must save from income while the cost of entry moves steadily farther away. A rising stock market was supposed to offer another path to asset building. The leveraged ETF controversy showed how quickly retail participation could become exposure to amplified losses. Political representation is another source of alienation. Younger voters often view mainstream parties as organizations dominated by older politicians who invoke youth during elections but exclude younger people from candidate selection and senior decision-making. This is why Lee's youth problem cannot be repaired with one cash benefit or slogan. It is rooted in a belief that the system distributes opportunity according to accumulated assets, family background, institutional connections and timing rather than effort. Younger voters are also less attached to traditional parties and more willing to shift rapidly over specific fairness controversies involving elections, recruitment, housing loans and investment losses. Lee's strength remains concentrated among voters in their 40s and 50s, whose political identities were shaped by earlier democratic struggles and partisan conflicts. Younger voters are less inclined to support him because of the Democratic Party's historical identity or because the opposition remains associated with Yoon. The memory of martial law still matters, but it cannot indefinitely substitute for answers on housing, jobs and fairness. Two different mandates The comparison between Lee and Takaichi should not obscure the differences between their political systems. Lee is a directly elected president serving a single five-year term. His authority does not depend on remaining party leader or repeatedly winning parliamentary confidence. Takaichi's position depends on control of her party and a parliamentary majority. Even a prime minister with a huge lower house advantage can be removed if internal support collapses. Their approval ratings also carry different implications. Lee's 52 percent Gallup rating remains above half, while the Democratic Party led the opposition People Power Party by 40 percent to 26 percent in the July 14-16 survey. His numbers represent a significant retreat, not a collapse. Takaichi still recorded 53 percent approval in the Asahi poll. But Mainichi's finding of 41 percent approval and 44 percent disapproval suggests her support is more sensitive to pollster, audience and issue framing. The abrupt 10-point fall may also influence expectations inside the LDP. Their opposition camps differ as well. Lee faces conservatives who remain divided and burdened by their association with Yoon and martial law. That weakness allows him to absorb lower approval without immediately losing control of the political agenda. Japan’s parliamentary opposition is also fragmented, but Takaichi's greater danger may come from within the LDP. If lawmakers conclude that her ideological agenda is eroding the electoral advantage created by her personal popularity, internal pressure could grow before the next election. For both Lee and Takaichi, the easy phase is over. Their early popularity rested on what they represented: stability after turmoil, change after stagnation and leadership after drift. Their durability will depend on something harder — whether voters believe the systems they now control are becoming fairer, more competent and more responsive to ordinary life. 2026-07-20 18:01:53 -
Record Heat Waves Hit South Korea Amid Global Climate Crisis Record heat waves and large wildfires that have swept across Europe and the United States have now become a reality in South Korea. On July 12, the country issued its first-ever 'Extreme Heat Warning,' marking the onset of a new era of extreme summer conditions. Heat waves are no longer seasonal weather anomalies but have become a national disaster, posing new risks to energy, industry, and the economy.The Korea Meteorological Administration issued the first Extreme Heat Warning at 10 a.m. in Pohang and Gyeongsan, where the daily perceived temperature is expected to exceed 35 degrees Celsius for more than two days, with a perceived temperature of 38 degrees Celsius or a maximum temperature of 39 degrees Celsius expected to last for at least one day. This highest-level warning was introduced this year to address 'life-threatening extreme heat' that could not be adequately conveyed through existing heat advisories.In an interview with Aju Economy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Climate Change Ambassador Kwon Jong-ho assessed that while the direction for the international community to combat extreme weather is clear, the political leadership needed to drive this effort is weakening."The direction of the international community is clear. We are moving towards reducing carbon and protecting the Earth. Therefore, it is right for our country to take the lead in technology and innovation."Ambassador Kwon noted that since the United States effectively withdrew from international climate negotiations, tensions between developed and developing countries have intensified."In the absence of the U.S., there is a vacuum in leadership to guide negotiations on the international stage. It would be beneficial if the European Union took a more leading role, but the EU is also facing economic challenges."He mentioned that he felt this shift firsthand at a recent meeting of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change in Bonn, Germany."In the past, we could reach agreements on technical issues, but now, almost every issue leads to clashes between groups."UN climate negotiations require consensus from all parties. While the influence of the U.S. has diminished, developing countries, including China and Saudi Arabia, are participating in negotiations more actively and strategically than before."Developing countries are not what they used to be. Middle Eastern nations are showing negotiation power comparable to that of the EU."Developing countries emphasize the historical responsibility of developed nations for carbon emissions during industrialization and demand climate finance and technology transfer. However, developed countries are finding it difficult to promise the same level of support due to economic slowdowns and financial burdens."There is a huge gap between the carbon reductions needed to achieve the 1.5-degree target and the actual commitments made by countries."Ambassador Kwon also suggested that the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East could paradoxically accelerate the transition to renewable energy."This year's Middle East situation has made energy security a serious issue. Paradoxically, it has raised awareness about the need to reduce dependence on fossil fuels."For South Korea, which imports most of its energy, climate policy and energy security are essentially aligned."To achieve energy independence, we must ultimately emphasize renewable energy. Our direction must be towards an electrified society and the expansion of renewable energy."He expressed confidence that the government's goal of deploying 4.2 million electric vehicles and 300,000 hydrogen vehicles by 2030 is achievable."We have a competitive supply chain centered around Hyundai and Kia. The direction is correct, and compared to developed countries, our targets are not excessively high."Ambassador Kwon predicted that the key agenda for the next international climate negotiations will be 'electrification.'South Korea has been viewed as a country where climate action is challenging due to its high reliance on manufacturing and coal power. However, the recent coal phase-out policy has garnered international attention."South Korea is a manufacturing powerhouse, and few countries among manufacturing nations are as proactive in carbon reduction as we are. The announcement of our membership in the Powering Past Coal Alliance surprised the international community significantly."He emphasized that carbon reduction should be seen not as a cost but as a new growth driver."If the international community is moving towards reducing carbon, it is right for us to take the lead in technology and innovation."Climate policy is now intertwined with trade policy. The European Union has begun implementing the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) this year, and similar systems are being prepared in the UK and other countries.Ambassador Kwon expressed concern that applying different standards in each country could increase the burden on businesses."Companies are already making efforts to reduce carbon from an ESG perspective. However, if each country enforces different methods, it could hinder private climate action. It could become a 'stumbling block' rather than a 'building block.'"He proposed that future climate and trade norms should adhere to three principles: non-discrimination, consistency, and compatibility.The absence of the U.S. is also changing China's role. South Korea and China recently resumed their climate change cooperation joint committee for the first time in seven years."With the U.S. absent from negotiations, the competition between the U.S. and China is not the focus. There is significant room for cooperation with China in areas such as reduction, trade, and adaptation."South Korea's Environmental Integrity Group (EIG) plays a role in proposing compromises between developed and developing countries."South Korea must also propose more alternatives in the future."Ambassador Kwon stated that climate negotiations are ultimately a form of diplomacy."You must read the other party's red lines. You cannot reach an agreement by only asserting what you want."He shared a saying among diplomats."If you win a negotiation 100 to 0, you are a fool. You should win about 60 to 40 so that the other side can return to their country and explain the results."However, he expressed concern that the international community is increasingly leaning towards confrontation rather than compromise.Since becoming the climate envoy, he has been using public transportation instead of a personal vehicle."I practice BMW: Bus, Metro, Walk."As record heat waves in Europe and South Korea's first Extreme Heat Warning illustrate the climate crisis as a current disaster rather than a future warning, Ambassador Kwon reiterated the need for South Korea to lead industrial and energy transitions rather than waiting for international consensus."The direction the world is heading is clear. Therefore, South Korea must take the lead in technology and innovation."* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-07-15 07:04:00 -
Seoul court suspends FTC order naming Coupang founder as controlling head SEOUL, July 14 (AJP) -A South Korean appeals court on Monday suspended the antitrust regulator's decision designating Coupang founder and Chairman Bom Kim as the controlling individual of the U.S.-listed e-commerce giant, handing the company an early legal victory in a closely watched dispute over Korea's conglomerate rules. The Seoul High Court granted part of Coupang's request for an injunction, temporarily halting the Korea Fair Trade Commission's May 1 decision to change the group's legal "same person" designation from Coupang Inc. to Kim until 30 days after a final court ruling in the main administrative lawsuit. The court also suspended the FTC's order requiring Coupang to submit documents related to Kim that had been requested in April as part of the designation process. "The applicant faces a risk of irreparable harm if the order takes effect immediately, and there is insufficient evidence that suspending the measure would undermine the public interest," the court said in its ruling. The injunction does not determine the legality of the FTC's decision but freezes its enforcement while the underlying lawsuit proceeds. The FTC in April redesignated Kim as Coupang's "same person," a legal term referring to the ultimate controlling entity of a business group under South Korea's Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act. The move shifted the designation from the corporate entity Coupang Inc. to Kim himself, making the company subject to the full disclosure and governance requirements imposed on family-controlled conglomerates. The regulator argued Coupang no longer qualified for the exception allowing a corporation to be designated as the controlling entity because Kim's younger brother, Kim Yoo-seok, had effectively participated in management through his involvement in logistics and delivery operations. The decision marked the first time a founder of a U.S.-incorporated company operating in South Korea had been designated as the controlling individual of a large business group under Korea's antitrust regime. Coupang immediately challenged the designation, arguing that neither Kim nor his relatives own shares in the group's Korean affiliates and therefore there is no possibility of private-interest transactions that the regulations are designed to prevent. "As a U.S.-listed company, we are already subject to stringent disclosure obligations," the company has said, describing the FTC's decision as duplicative regulation that applies traditional chaebol rules to a globally listed technology company. Had the designation taken effect, Kim would have been required to disclose family shareholdings and governance information annually, while transactions involving relatives and related entities would have become subject to expanded regulatory scrutiny under Korea's conglomerate regulations. The legal battle is expected to center on whether managerial influence exercised by a family member, absent ownership, is sufficient to justify designating an individual rather than a corporate entity as the controlling person of a business group. 2026-07-14 14:16:00 -
The world is scorching and Korea's climate envoy sees opportunity in crisis SEOUL, July 13 (AJP) - South Korea issued its first top-tier heat warning Sunday as temperatures neared 39 degrees Celsius in the southeastern cities of Pohang and Gyeongsan, joining countries across Europe and North America confronting summers that are becoming longer, hotter and increasingly dangerous. The Korea Meteorological Administration activated the newly created Heat Wave Emergency Warning after apparent temperatures were forecast to exceed 38 degrees following days above 35 degrees. The alert, introduced this year above the country’s existing advisory and warning system, reflects an acknowledgement that conventional heat warnings are no longer sufficient for conditions authorities describe as potentially life-threatening. To Kyun Jong-ho, South Korea’s ambassador for climate change, the extreme weather offers a glimpse of the future governments have spent decades promising to prevent, even as the international system built to confront global warming becomes more divided. “The international direction is clear,” Kyun said in an interview with AJP at the Foreign Ministry in Seoul. “The world is moving toward reducing carbon emissions and protecting the planet. If that is the direction, South Korea should secure the technology and move ahead of others.” The intensifying heat arrives as international climate leadership weakens. The United States has stepped away from major climate processes, Europe is preoccupied with economic and immigration pressures, and negotiations between developed and developing countries have grown increasingly confrontational. “There is now a vacuum in leadership,” Kyun said. “I had hoped the European Union would take a stronger role, but the E.U. is also facing difficult economic conditions.” The consequences have been especially visible across Europe, where repeated heat waves have pushed temperatures above 40 degrees, fueled wildfires and contributed to heat-related and excess deaths. Climate researchers say fossil-fuel emissions have made such events substantially hotter and more dangerous. Yet Kyun argued that another geopolitical crisis — conflict in the Middle East and anxiety over energy supplies — could paradoxically accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels. “The energy security issue became extremely serious after the Middle East crisis,” he said. “Paradoxically, it reminded countries that they must reduce their dependence on fossil fuels.” For South Korea, which imports most of the energy it consumes, climate policy and energy security are becoming inseparable. Kyun described the country’s future as an “electric society” built on expanded renewable generation. “In the end, renewable energy has to be emphasized if we want energy independence,” he said. “The direction we need to take is electrification and the expansion of renewable energy.” He said the government’s goal of putting 4.2 million electric vehicles and 300,000 hydrogen-powered vehicles on the road by 2030 was not excessively ambitious, given the strength of South Korea’s automobile and battery industries. “We have an extremely competitive supply chain,” he said, pointing to Hyundai Motor, Kia and the country’s domestic manufacturing capacity. “The direction is right, and it is difficult to say that the target is overly high when compared to other advanced economies.” A bridge between ministries — and nations The climate change ambassador is a senior Foreign Ministry post rather than a traditional overseas ambassadorship. The envoy represents South Korea in United Nations climate negotiations, talks on plastic pollution and other environmental diplomacy. The position emerged as governments were building the framework that eventually produced the Paris Agreement. At home, it also served as an intermediary between ministries whose mandates often pull in opposite directions. “The Environment Ministry exists to protect the environment, while the Industry Ministry exists to promote industry, so different perspectives are natural,” Kyun said 2026-07-14 08:42:41 -
Teen's killing tests South Korea's family exemption law SEOUL, July 10 (AJP) - A serving police officer destroyed evidence in his own son's murder case, and under South Korean law he cannot be prosecuted for it. That fact, uncovered during the investigation into the killing of a high school girl in the southern city of Gwangju in May, has pushed South Korea into a national debate over a decades-old provision of its Criminal Act that shields relatives from punishment when they hide offenders or destroy evidence on their behalf. Prosecutors say Jang Yun-gi, 23, attacked the student after stalking her with the intent to abduct and sexually assault her. While Jang was in custody, investigators found that items prosecutors considered important to proving a sexual motive, including life-like sex dolls and mobile phones, had disappeared from his residence. Prosecutors later determined that Jang's father, a police officer, had discarded the dolls and burned the phones. Ordinarily, destroying evidence in another person's criminal case is punishable by up to five years in prison or a fine. But Articles 151 and 155 of the Criminal Act carve out an exception: when a relative or cohabiting family member commits those acts for the benefit of the suspect, the person is not punished. The father is therefore unlikely to face criminal charges. The National Police Agency has said disciplinary measures remain possible if misconduct is confirmed, a distinction that has only intensified criticism that the law is out of step with the seriousness of the case. The exemption rests on an old legal judgment that the state should hesitate before forcing family members to betray one another. It is the same impulse at the heart of "Mother," Bong Joon-ho's 2009 thriller about a mother who buries the truth of her son's crime; the cover-up horrifies because it feels emotionally comprehensible. Critics say the Jang case shows what happens when the law gives that impulse automatic protection: a legal safe harbor for evidence destruction in a murder case, exploited by a man sworn to uphold the law. Other legal systems draw the line differently. Japan's Penal Code allows courts to exempt relatives rather than requiring it, giving judges room to weigh the gravity of the crime. Germany exempts relatives but separately punishes public officials who obstruct prosecution in the course of their duties, with no family exception. For critics of South Korea's law, that is the point: family loyalty may explain a parent's impulse, but it should not excuse a police officer's misuse of access and authority. Defenders of the exemption warn that abolishing it entirely would create hard cases, forcing parents and spouses to help prosecute people they love. But even lawmakers sympathetic to that view see the current rule as untenable. Rep. Min Hong-chul, a four-term Democratic Party lawmaker and former chief justice of the High Military Court, predicted a revision restricting the exemption would pass the National Assembly, saying the case had caused "such a major social impact." "This case has exposed a blind spot in the family-member exemption system," Min said. "There were likely many undisclosed cases in which the exemption applied to serious crimes such as murder, rape and robbery." Rep. Yoo Sang-bum, a two-term People Power Party lawmaker and former chief prosecutor, said abolishing all family exemptions would go too far, but that the exemption should be removed for people in investigative and inspection authorities. "The harm is too great to recognize the family-member exemption even for crimes committed by those responsible for uncovering the truth," Yoo said. Neither party has yet moved beyond early discussions. "I understand that the party leadership and floor leadership are discussing the family-member exemption issue, but there has not yet been any concrete discussion at a general meeting of lawmakers," said a two-term Democratic Party lawmaker. "This is a matter for the floor leadership, so we do not yet know the details. It will probably be discussed at Monday's general meeting of lawmakers," said a two-term People Power Party lawmaker. 2026-07-10 15:41:09 -
South Korea pushes back on US' proposed forced-labor tariff SEOUL, July 10 (AJP) - South Korea opposed a U.S. proposal to impose a 12.5 percent tariff on imports linked to forced labor, saying the measure is "unjustified" and "unnecessary" as Washington moves to expand its tariff policy under new legal grounds. Lee Seung-heon, counselor for trade, industry and resources at the South Korean Embassy in Washington, presented Seoul's position Thursday at a public hearing hosted by the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) at the U.S. International Trade Commission. The hearing was part of USTR proceedings on proposed tariff action under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, a legal tool that allows Washington to investigate and respond to foreign trade practices it considers unreasonable, discriminatory or burdensome to U.S. commerce. USTR has proposed additional duties of 10 percent or 12.5 percent on imports from 60 economies that it says have failed to impose or effectively enforce bans on goods made with forced labor. South Korea was placed in the higher-rate group, along with several other major trading partners. "Korea reserves its basic position that action against South Korea with regard to the importation of forced labor goods is neither appropriate nor necessary," Lee said. Lee argued that South Korea has pursued policies to address forced-labor risks both domestically and in global supply chains including sustainability disclosure standards, corporate guidelines and efforts to promote responsible business conduct under the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development framework. He also pointed to a joint fact sheet issued after last year's South Korea-U.S. summit, saying Seoul had already reaffirmed its intention to cooperate with Washington in combating imports of goods made with forced labor. South Korea's argument is twofold. Seoul says it shares Washington's concern over forced labor but disputes USTR's conclusion that South Korea's current system burdens U.S. commerce. It also says that, even if Washington decides to impose tariffs on countries covered by the investigation, South Korea should receive more favorable treatment because of its broader trade cooperation with the U.S. The South Korean government earlier submitted a written statement to USTR, saying the proposed measure appeared to lack a sufficient factual basis and did not adequately reflect Korea-specific circumstances. Seoul also argued that some of the examples cited by USTR, including concerns related to polysilicon produced with forced labor, did not directly implicate South Korea. The Korea International Trade Association (KITA) separately asked USTR to defer implementation of the tariff or reduce the proposed rate for South Korea to 10 percent. The group said South Korea strictly prohibits forced labor through domestic laws and international commitments, even if it does not have an import-ban regime identical to the U.S. model. KITA also requested that goods with low forced-labor risk, or products for which USTR has not identified specific evidence of injury to U.S. commerce, be excluded from any final tariff measure. The dispute comes as the Trump administration is trying to rebuild its tariff policy after earlier emergency-based global tariffs were challenged in U.S. courts. Washington has increasingly turned to other legal authorities, including Section 122 and Section 301 of the Trade Act, to preserve tariff leverage against major trading partners. A temporary 10 percent global tariff imposed under Section 122 is expected to expire later this month, increasing attention on how quickly USTR will finalize the Section 301 cases. The forced-labor investigation is one of several trade probes that could shape the next phase of U.S. tariff policy. USTR is also conducting a separate Section 301 investigation into alleged structural overcapacity in manufacturing sectors, including in South Korea. That inquiry focuses on whether major trading partners are producing more than they can consume domestically and exporting the excess in ways that harm U.S. industry. For South Korea, the stakes are significant as the export-driven country depends heavily on the U.S. market for products including automobiles, electronics, batteries, steel and machinery. Although USTR has proposed exemptions for certain products, including goods already subject to separate national security tariffs, officials and businesses remain concerned that new duties could complicate the tariff balance reached with Washington last year. During the hearing, USTR officials asked South Korea to provide more detail on its policies to prevent imports of goods made with forced labor as well as a timeline for specific measures and plans. It remains unclear whether the public hearing and written submissions will lead USTR to revise the proposed tariff rate for South Korea. A final decision is expected to be closely watched in Seoul as a test of whether last year's bilateral trade understanding can shield Korea from Washington's latest tariff campaign. 2026-07-10 10:41:14 -
PPP leader turns to hardline conservatives amid loosening grip within party SEOUL, July 9 (AJP) - Jang Dong-hyuk, the leader of the main opposition People Power Party (PPP) has taken his fight over a ballot shortage in last month's local elections out of Parliament and onto the streets, alarming lawmakers in his own party who fear that the campaign could pull conservatives back toward election fraud conspiracy theories. Jang began a nationwide tour on Wednesday to demand a re-run of the June 3 local elections along with an investigation into the ballot shortage controversy. His first stop was Incheon, west of Seoul, where he met young supporters before joining a rally at a busy shopping and nightlife district there. It was the first time Jang had joined a field rally on the ballot issue outside Seoul's Olympic Park, where protests over the election controversy had already drawn attention from hard-line conservatives. Party officials said the Incheon event was intended to build momentum for similar gatherings in other cities, including Busan and Gwangju. To Jang and his allies, the campaign is a fight for voting rights. To some lawmakers and strategists inside the party, it is something riskier: an attempt to mobilize a restless conservative base at a moment when the party's poll numbers are falling and Jang's leadership is under pressure. The dispute began with a shortage of ballots during the elections, a logistical failure that opposition lawmakers have seized upon as evidence of serious election mismanagement. Jang has called for a special prosecutor recommended by the opposition, arguing that an inquiry led by the governing side would lack credibility. Park Sung-hoon, the party's chief spokesman, told reporters at the National Assembly that the special counsel now being discussed "must be led by a person recommended by the opposition." He said the party would "properly reflect voices from outside Parliament" to ensure that a meaningful investigation is carried out. But the language of election integrity has begun to unsettle some conservatives, who worry that the campaign could blur into the kind of voter-fraud claims long associated with far-right activists. The distinction has not fully eased concerns inside the party. The People Power Party has been losing ground in several recent polls. A Realmeter survey conducted on July 2 and 3 found the ruling Democratic Party (DP) at 43 percent and the PPP at 40.3 percent, reversing the conservatives' brief lead from three weeks earlier. A Gallup Korea survey conducted from June 30 to July 2 put the PPP at 26 percent, far behind the DP's 41 percent. The regional numbers have been especially troubling for conservatives. According to Gallup, the party's support in Busan, Ulsan and South Gyeongsang Province — a traditional conservative stronghold — fell from 37 percent in the second week of June to 25 percent in the first week of July. In Daejeon, Sejong and the Chungcheong region, support dropped from 40 percent in the fourth week of June to 20 percent a week later. For critics inside the party, Jang's turn to rally politics looks less like a disciplined opposition strategy than an effort to survive a leadership crisis. Since the elections, he has faced criticism for what some lawmakers describe as "disciplinary politics" aimed at rivals aligned with former party leader Han Dong-hoon. He has also overseen an escalating boycott of parliamentary committees, deepening internal frustration among lawmakers who believe the party should focus on legislative work and rebuilding its image with moderate voters. Jang's current strategy has reminded some party members of his conduct during the campaign, when calls emerged for him to step back from the front line. At that time, he tried to hold his ground by visiting Chungcheong, his home region, and Daegu and North Gyeongsang Province, the conservative heartland. Now, critics say, he is again leaning on the party's most loyal supporters rather than broadening its appeal. Jang had initially planned to travel to Daegu on Friday for a youth meeting and a voting-rights rally. The trip was later postponed. Party officials said the schedule had been adjusted because a weekday event would have limited political impact. But people familiar with the matter said lawmakers from the Daegu area had conveyed concerns about the nature of the rally. The sensitivities were heightened by the expected appearance of Jeon Han-gil, the far-right YouTuber, at the same rally on Saturday. Most PPP lawmakers who spoke with AJP expressed concern. "It is difficult to justify trying to rally the party's support base through street protests while at the same time weakening internal unity through disciplinary politics," said a four-term PPP lawmaker. "The party chairman represents the entire party. Whatever he intends to do, he should first discuss it with fellow lawmakers at a general meeting of the parliamentary party or through other internal channels," said a three-term lawmaker. "I didn't even know Jang was considering a nationwide tour," the lawmaker said. "At some point, he stopped consulting other lawmakers and began making decisions on his own." "His credibility as a leader is finished," said a first-term lawmaker. "The chairman has been pursuing an increasingly unilateral course, and I don't know whether it is for the good of the party or for his own political interests." "Even PPP lawmakers are not rallying behind Jang," the lawmaker added. "Politics is not something you do alone." "The best thing Chairman Jang can do for our party is to step down as soon as possible," said another first-term lawmaker. Rep. Ahn Sang-hoon criticized Jang's nationwide tour, saying it was "nothing more than one of many desperate attempts to preserve power that has already outlived its legitimacy." "A small stream cannot change the course of the mighty Han River," he added. Some within the People Power Party, however, argued that Jang's nationwide tour to attend rallies was appropriate. Yoon Sang-hyun, a five-term lawmaker and chair of the National Assembly's special committee investigating the elections' ballot shortage, said it is only natural for the leader of the main opposition party to travel across the country to listen to the voices of the people and gather public opinion. "The voices of the people gathering in the public squares today are not the voices of any particular political camp," Yoon said. "They are the voices of sovereign citizens who, after experiencing the ballot shortage, have begun asking whether their votes are being properly safeguarded." Yoon also stressed that winning over moderate voters and those in the greater Seoul metropolitan area depends on politicians fulfilling their responsibilities. "The trust of moderates and metropolitan-area voters is a reward that politicians earn by doing their jobs," he said. "The party can win their support when the party leader gathers the public's urgent concerns on the ground while the special committee and the parliamentary leadership work in tandem to produce institutional reforms based on evidence and facts." "The important thing is to build party-wide consensus around that shared task," he added. 2026-07-09 17:33:11