AJU PRESS ASIA FIRST NEWS AGENCY

Journalist

Lee Jung-woo
Lee Jung-woo이정우
ReporterMinistry of Unification & North Korea, Politics, Foreign Affairs
I studied philosophy in college, and sociology and journalism in graduate school. I cover North Korea, South Korean politics, foreign affairs and films. I enjoy Nordic cinema, Indian cuisine and Japanese detective novels. I have a cat and like bright, acidic coffee.
"Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Latest by Lee Jung-woo
  • Korea must become an AI ecosystem power, not just chip power: CSIS
    Korea must become an AI ecosystem power, not just chip power: CSIS SEOUL, July 28 (AJP) - South Korea risks squandering its AI-driven manufacturing advantage unless it evolves from one of the world's biggest exporters into an "ecosystem power" that shapes the technologies, standards and alliances underpinning the global artificial intelligence economy, a leading Washington think tank said. The assessment by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) came under spotlight as President Lee Jae Myung seeks to reposition South Korea from a manufacturing powerhouse to a central player in the global AI supply chain. During a visit to Silicon Valley over last weekend, Lee met Nvidia Chief Executive Jensen Huang, OpenAI Chief Executive Sam Altman, Anthropic Chief Executive Dario Amodei and Broadcom Chief Executive Hock Tan, while overseeing new AI partnerships between Korean and U.S. technology companies. Those meetings echoed the central thesis of a CSIS report published earlier this month, Export Nation or Ecosystem Power: South Korea's Choice in the AI Industrial Age. Written by Navin Girishankar, president of the think tank's Economic Security and Technology Department, the report argues that South Korea's next economic leap will depend not on exporting more semiconductors, batteries, ships and automobiles, but on controlling what it calls the "architectural control points" of future industries — standards, platforms, financing mechanisms and industrial partnerships. The report contends that South Korea stands at a strategic crossroads. Its export-led model continues to produce impressive results, with goods exports reaching a record $709.7 billion in 2025 and semiconductor exports climbing 22 percent to an all-time high of $173.4 billion amid booming demand for AI memory chips. Yet those headline figures conceal mounting structural risks, it says. China, once South Korea's largest source of trade surpluses, has rapidly narrowed the technology gap in sectors ranging from electronics and batteries to electric vehicles and petrochemicals. Meanwhile, the United States is increasingly using tariffs and investment incentives to encourage manufacturing on American soil. Combined with demographic decline and intensifying technological competition, those forces mean South Korea can no longer rely solely on export growth or market diversification, according to the report. From supplier to architect CSIS argues that future industrial leadership will belong not to countries producing the most components, but to those controlling the ecosystems in which those components operate. An ecosystem power occupies what the report calls the "architectural control points" of an industry — technical standards, certification systems, software platforms, financing structures and supply-chain relationships that other companies and governments must adopt. South Korea already possesses many of the building blocks. The report identifies four strategic technology pillars: AI, semiconductors and communications; batteries and advanced manufacturing; industrial robotics and machine tools; and energy and critical minerals. The opportunity, it argues, lies not in dominating individual sectors but in integrating them into complete industrial ecosystems. SK hynix's leadership in high-bandwidth memory illustrates the concept. HBM has become indispensable for AI accelerators powering advanced computing systems. Because replacing HBM would require redesigning processors, software, chip packaging and data-center architecture, South Korea's strength extends well beyond selling memory chips, giving it influence over the broader AI ecosystem. Samsung Electronics' foundry business, LG's battery technologies and Hanwha's naval engineering could play similar strategic roles in their respective industries. That importance was echoed during Lee's Silicon Valley meetings. Huang said Nvidia's AI supercomputers would not have been possible without Korean-developed HBM. Altman said today's AI revolution could not have emerged without South Korea's contributions, while Amodei highlighted the country's strengths in semiconductors, AI infrastructure and engineering talent. Yet the report cautions that being indispensable today does not guarantee remaining indispensable tomorrow. Unless South Korea evolves from supporting individual industries to orchestrating complete ecosystems, its competitive advantage could gradually erode. A deeper alliance with the United States CSIS places the United States at the center of South Korea's next stage of industrial development. The report argues that Korean companies need access to frontier research, deep capital markets, large-scale demand and trusted geopolitical partners — advantages that Washington can provide more reliably than Beijing. In return, the United States increasingly depends on South Korea's capabilities in advanced memory, semiconductors, batteries, energy infrastructure and shipbuilding to sustain its own AI ambitions. Rather than focusing narrowly on trade deficits, tariffs or defense burden-sharing, the alliance should evolve toward jointly building trusted AI and advanced-manufacturing ecosystems that reduce dependence on China, the report says. South Korea's growing industrial footprint across Southeast Asia could further strengthen that strategy by creating alternative supply chains spanning Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. The report stresses that international partnerships alone will not be enough. It calls for more predictable regulation, stronger cybersecurity protections and a broader ecosystem of innovative mid-sized companies capable of complementing South Korea's conglomerates. Regulatory certainty is particularly important for long-term AI investment, while cybersecurity has become an alliance issue as attacks on Korean semiconductor facilities could disrupt AI computing worldwide. CSIS also highlights capital as a strategic tool. With public investment institutions such as the National Pension Service and Korea Investment Corporation managing roughly $1.5 trillion, South Korea has the financial capacity to establish co-investment vehicles with the United States supporting semiconductors, AI infrastructure, advanced manufacturing and critical minerals. The report concludes that South Korea's next "Miracle on the Han River" will depend less on exporting more products than on embedding Korean companies into the architecture of allied technology systems. If the first miracle was built by becoming one of the world's leading manufacturers, the second, it argues, will come from becoming one of the architects of the global AI economy. 2026-07-28 11:07:53
  • The East joins the West in the survival game against extreme heat
    The East joins the West in the survival game against extreme heat SEOUL, July 27 (AJP) - South Korea joined the global survival game against extreme heat on Monday as temperatures neared 40 degrees Celsius after the monsoon fizzled out, emptying streets and farm fields alike. Children and office workers, farmers and foreign tourists alike searched for clever ways to stay cool, crowding shopping malls, subway stations and other air-conditioned spaces. By 3 p.m., the government raised the national heat crisis alert to "grave," its highest level, and activated the Central Disaster and Safety Countermeasures Headquarters. Behind the familiar summer scenes — umbrellas, handheld fans and iced drinks sweating in plastic cups — was a rapidly growing human toll. As of Sunday, 1,399 people had been treated for heat-related illnesses in South Korea this summer, with eight presumed deaths. Emergency rooms admitted 72 patients on Sunday alone, including two women in their 80s and 90s who later died in Hadong and Gimje. Daily emergency cases have risen sharply, from fewer than 20 on July 20 to 80 on July 25. The figures also reveal that extreme heat is anything but socially equal. More than 81 percent of patients became ill outdoors, with workplaces accounting for the largest share of cases. Manual laborers were the occupational group most frequently affected, while people aged 65 or older accounted for nearly one-third of all patients. For office workers, a heat wave can mean an uncomfortable commute. For farmers, construction workers, delivery drivers and elderly people living alone, it can become a matter of survival. Forecasters warned that the end of the rainy season allowed the North Pacific High and the Tibetan High to overlap above the Korean Peninsula, trapping hot air beneath a persistent dome of high pressure. The climate pardons none. Across the sea, Japan has been experiencing weather so severe that it has had to invent a new word for it. Japan's vocabulary for summer heat now resembles a meteorological staircase. A day above 25 C is a natsubi, or "summer day." Above 30 C comes a manatsubi, or "true summer day," followed by a moshobi, or "extremely hot day," once temperatures exceed 35 C. This year, the Japan Meteorological Agency effectively added another step: kokushobi, commonly translated as a "cruelly hot" or "brutally hot" day, for temperatures of 40 C or higher. Japan recorded its first official kokushobi on July 21. Gujo and Tajimi in Gifu Prefecture and Toyota in Aichi Prefecture all reached at least 40 C, with Toyota recording a local record of 40.1 C. Of Japan's 914 weather stations, 278 reported temperatures above 35 C that day. By July 25, Japan had endured five consecutive days above 40 C, the longest such streak since comparable records began in 2010. Nearly 11,000 people sought emergency medical care for heat-related illnesses between July 13 and 19, and 14 were pronounced dead on arrival. In Tokyo alone, 453 people were hospitalized on July 23, the city's highest daily total since records began more than a decade ago. Japan, famous for putting almost anything into a vending machine, has now built one for overheated humans. The Do Hiemon Box, nicknamed the "human refrigerator," is a stainless-steel personal cooling booth tall enough for an adult to enter. The booth is maintained at about 15 C, while air chilled to 5 C is directed at the user's head, neck, shoulders and back. Its manufacturer says spending about 10 minutes inside can help relieve symptoms of heat exhaustion. Standing 2.13 meters tall and mounted on wheels, the booth can be moved around factories and construction sites. It automatically shuts off after 20 minutes to prevent excessive cooling. Since its launch in April, more than 130 companies have reportedly installed the booths. At roughly 1.5 million yen ($9,200) each, they are an expensive refuge, though operating costs are relatively low. Elsewhere, construction workers are finding frozen drinks, ice cream and air-conditioned rest booths every few floors. In farming communities, signs urge people to work for 30 minutes and rest for the next 30. Japan's adaptation extends well beyond cooling booths. Tokyo officials have encouraged office workers to wear shorts, T-shirts and trainers under an expanded Cool Biz campaign. The national high school baseball championship has split games into morning and evening sessions to avoid the hottest hours, while farmers are planting heat-tolerant rice varieties and experimenting with subtropical crops such as avocados. The measures would once have sounded eccentric. They now read like a survival manual for a warming world. Europe, meanwhile, is discovering that a heat wave does not end when temperatures fall. It lingers in depleted reservoirs, damaged crops, shrinking rivers and hardened soil. France recorded 5,764 excess deaths during its severe heat wave between June 17 and July 2, according to provisional public health data. The Paris region alone accounted for nearly 2,000 of those deaths, with elderly people suffering the greatest impact. Scientists say Europe's drought is no longer simply a story of missing rainfall. Western Europe emerged from a relatively wet winter, but exceptionally high temperatures allowed the atmosphere to pull far more moisture from rivers, lakes, vegetation and soil. A World Weather Attribution analysis found that the extreme evaporative conditions were made about 80 times more likely by climate change in western Europe and 40 times more likely in eastern Europe. Soil dryness was made five times more likely in the west and 11 times more likely in the east. Europe's 2026 drought arrived roughly two months earlier than the severe drought of 2022. The Copernicus Climate Change Service said conditions remained critical across much of the continent in late June and had deteriorated further in central-western Europe following an extensive and prolonged heat wave. The economic consequences are already mounting. Europe is expected to lose about 9 million metric tons of grain this year. France faces its worst corn harvest in half a century, while Romanian farmers have lost crops across more than 1 million hectares. Water levels along Europe's major rivers have also fallen sharply. The Rhine at Lobith in the Netherlands dropped below the minimum recorded during the famously hot summer of 1976, restricting cargo traffic and reducing hydropower generation. Parts of the Loire have shrunk into narrow streams, while seasonal lows have also been reported along the Danube. The hotter atmosphere is creating a vicious cycle. Heat draws moisture from the ground. Dry soil loses its ability to cool the air through evaporation. Temperatures rise further, vegetation becomes more combustible and wildfires spread more easily. That same physical process is unfolding in different forms from Seoul to Tokyo and across Europe. The world has entered a survival game against extreme heat. Every country is now learning its own way to play it. 2026-07-27 17:27:06
  • Ex-President Yoons 2022 campaign statements ruled false
    Ex-President Yoon's 2022 campaign statements ruled false SEOUL, July 27 (AJP) - A South Korean court on Monday sentenced former President Yoon Suk Yeol to 18 months in prison, suspended for three years, after finding him guilty of making false statements during the campaign that carried him to the presidency in 2022. The first-instance verdict could also deliver a heavy financial blow to the conservative People Power Party. If the sentence survives the appeals process, the party would be required to return 39.7 billion won, or about $27 million, in election expenses and related funds reimbursed by the National Election Commission. The Seoul Central District Court’s Criminal Division 21, led by presiding Judge Cho Soon-pyo, ruled that Yoon violated the Public Official Election Act through statements concerning a former tax official and a controversial spiritual adviser with links to his wife, former first lady Kim Keon Hee. The first charge involved remarks Yoon made at a nationally televised Kwanhun Club debate on Dec. 14, 2021, when he was the PPP’s presidential candidate. Yoon denied having introduced a lawyer, identified only by the surname Lee, to Yoon Woo-jin, a former chief of the Yongsan Tax Office. The court, however, concluded that the former president had made the introduction, accepting the findings of a special counsel investigation launched into corruption and influence-peddling allegations surrounding Kim. The second charge stemmed from an interview at a Buddhist leaders’ forum on Jan. 17, 2022. Yoon said that a party official had introduced him to Jeon Seong-bae, a self-styled spiritual adviser widely known as Geonjin Beopsa, and denied that he and Kim had met Jeon together. The court found that Yoon had first met Jeon through Kim and that the couple maintained ties with him for more than a decade. Jeon later emerged as a central figure in investigations into allegations that individuals and organizations sought access to the presidential couple through unofficial intermediaries. Special counsel Min Joong-ki’s team had requested a two-year prison sentence for Yoon at the final hearing in June. Yoon was indicted in December 2025 after the special counsel investigated a broad range of allegations involving the former first lady, including election interference, stock manipulation and the acceptance of valuables. Under South Korea’s election law, candidates who are elected or receive at least 15 percent of the vote are generally entitled to full reimbursement of authorized campaign expenses. But when an election-invalidating sentence — a fine of at least 1 million won — becomes final, the reimbursed money must be returned. For presidential candidates nominated by political parties, that financial obligation falls on the party that endorsed the candidate. The PPP received nearly 40 billion won after Yoon’s election, making the case potentially one of the most expensive election-law convictions in South Korean political history. Yoon won the March 2022 presidential election with 48.56 percent of the vote, defeating liberal rival Lee Jae Myung, who received 47.83 percent. The gap of 0.73 percentage points was the narrowest in the country’s presidential election history. The verdict carries no practical consequence for Yoon’s former presidential tenure because he was removed from office by the Constitutional Court in April 2025 over his short-lived declaration of martial law in December 2024. Lee, Yoon’s opponent in the 2022 election, subsequently won the snap election held in June 2025 and began a five-year term as president. The PPP has since returned to the opposition and struggled to distance itself from Yoon’s martial-law legacy. Monday’s suspended term also does not mean Yoon will be released. The Supreme Court earlier this month finalized a separate seven-year prison sentence against him for obstructing investigators’ attempts to detain him following the martial-law crisis. He has faced multiple criminal proceedings since his removal, including cases involving martial law, opinion polls and alleged interference in government and party affairs. The PPP will not be required to return the 39.7 billion won unless the election-law conviction becomes final. The first-instance judgment remains subject to appeal. People Power Party lawmakers raised questions with AJP about whether the judiciary had applied its standards fairly. Four-term lawmaker Rep. Han Ki-ho argued that “there is a problem with fairness.” “President Lee Jae Myung’s trial over the publication of false information was delayed for as long as four years, and it is wrong that the proceedings have now been suspended,” Han said. “President Lee’s trial should also proceed and be brought to a conclusion.” “I believe the ruling is excessively harsh compared with the handling of President Lee Jae Myung’s trial,” said Rep. Park Soo-young, a two-term lawmaker. “It is too harsh to impose a prison sentence merely over whether Yoon met Jeon,” Park said. “President Lee said that he had never forcibly committed his older brother to a psychiatric hospital, but he was acquitted because former Supreme Court Justice Kwon Soon Il went easy on him.” 2026-07-27 16:17:27
  • Shincheonji allegations engulf ruling party leadership race as probe widens
    Shincheonji allegations engulf ruling party leadership race as probe widens SEOUL, July 27 (AJP) - Allegations that members of the Shincheonji religious group joined South Korea’s ruling Democratic Party en masse have intensified an already bitter leadership contest, prompting calls for a sweeping investigation into possible organized religious interference in party politics. A joint investigation team comprising prosecutors and police has reportedly found signs that Shincheonji members collectively joined the Democratic Party in parts of the Seoul metropolitan area ahead of the June 3 local elections. Investigators are looking into whether regional branches of the religious group attempted to influence Democratic Party primaries by supporting particular candidates, potentially in return for help with local issues such as obtaining approval to use buildings as religious facilities. The development has deepened divisions between former Prime Minister Kim Min-seok and former Democratic Party leader Jung Chung-rae, the two leading candidates in the party’s Aug. 17 leadership election. Kim, who first publicly raised suspicions of Shincheonji interference in the contest, said Saturday that he had brought up the allegations regardless of whether doing so benefited his campaign. “I raised the issue because I believe that, for the sake of history, justice and the future of the Republic of Korea, we must address what needs to be addressed,” Kim said during a lecture at the National Assembly. Kim has alleged possible organized voting interference, dual party membership and the presence of “phantom members,” arguing that the matter has moved beyond an internal dispute between rival candidates and now requires an official investigation. Jung agreed that organized religious involvement in politics must not be tolerated but accused Kim of using unverified allegations to attack a rival. “Organized political intervention by a religious group is unconstitutional,” Jung wrote on Facebook. “It must be rooted out and prevented at its source. Investigate it thoroughly and disclose the findings transparently.” He added, however, that “negative campaigning and political conspiracy theories have never led to success,” warning that attacks against fellow party members could damage the party. Rep. Yang Bu-nam of the Democratic Party said the allegations, if substantiated, would amount to a grave attack on the democratic operation of political parties. “If Shincheonji’s intervention is found to be true, it would constitute an incident that undermined the very foundation of intra-party democracy,” Yang told AJP. “The People Power Party’s demand for a special counsel is a self-serving interpretation designed to suit its own interests,” he added. Rep. Seo Young-kyo of the Democratic Party, chair of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee and a four-term lawmaker, told AJP, “Shincheonji’s intervention is shocking.” “The voting behavior of Shincheonji members could determine the party leadership,” Seo said. “It is the height of collusion between religion and politics.” She argued, “There must be a thorough investigation to sever the ties between religion and politics and hold legally accountable those believers who systematically interfered in the Democratic Party’s party affairs.” The main opposition People Power Party has called on the ruling party to introduce a special prosecutor selected by the opposition, accusing the Democratic Party of applying a double standard after previously demanding an investigation into Shincheonji’s alleged mass enrollment in the PPP. PPP deputy floor spokesperson Choi Soo-jin said Sunday that allegations initially raised by a former prime minister were beginning to be supported by evidence. She argued that leaving the inquiry solely to the existing joint investigation team would not ensure political neutrality. The latest controversy emerged from a much broader investigation into allegations that Shincheonji systematically mobilized followers to join the PPP between 2021 and 2024. Lee Man-hee, the 95-year-old founder and leader of Shincheonji, was indicted in June on charges including violations of the Political Parties Act. Investigators allege that at least 56,472 followers were recruited as PPP members through campaigns that sometimes used coded names such as the “Pilates Project.” Authorities suspect the campaign was intended to influence the PPP’s 2021 presidential primary and later candidate nomination contests, while helping the religious group secure favorable treatment on issues involving its properties and facilities. Investigators say the instructions were delivered through Shincheonji’s hierarchy, from its headquarters and regional leaders to local congregations and separate organizations for young people, women and older members. Lee and Shincheonji have denied that he ordered or supervised organized party enrollment. Shincheonji has also rejected claims that the presence of individual followers on party membership lists proves institutional interference. It has argued that treating the private political activities of believers as evidence against the church could infringe on freedom of religion. Decades of political controversy Suspicions surrounding Shincheonji’s political activities date back more than two decades. Investigators have reportedly examined a 2003 internal document outlining ways to support Suh Chung-won in a leadership election for the Grand National Party, a predecessor of the PPP. The document allegedly proposed telephone campaigning, online promotional activities and the recruitment of young followers as party members. Former Shincheonji officials have also alleged that followers were told to join the Grand National Party and participate in its 2007 presidential primary. One former member said followers were instructed to pay party dues and were told the church would later reimburse them. These earlier claims did not result in the kind of large-scale criminal investigation now underway, and Shincheonji has denied allegations that it intervened in party elections. The controversy gained new momentum following the 2020 COVID-19 outbreak, when Shincheonji became the center of South Korea’s first major wave of infections. Former members have told investigators that the organization subsequently sought to expand its political influence as it faced public criticism, government inspections and disputes over the use of its religious facilities. Authorities are now investigating allegations that tens of thousands of followers were encouraged or pressured to join the PPP from 2021 onward, including claims that some of their names were passed to people connected to former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s presidential campaign. Shincheonji and Lee have denied wrongdoing. The investigation has now crossed party lines with the discovery of suspected group enrollment in the Democratic Party, raising the possibility that the organization sought influence wherever local political access could help resolve its institutional interests. South Korea’s Constitution states that religion and politics must be separated. The Political Parties Act also prohibits forcing anyone to join or leave a political party and bars membership in multiple parties at the same time. The central question for investigators will therefore be whether Shincheonji followers independently exercised their political rights or whether the group’s leadership secretly coordinated party enrollment and voting to influence candidates and secure benefits. The answer could shape not only the Democratic Party’s leadership election but also a wider national reckoning over the influence of organized religious groups on South Korean politics. 2026-07-27 13:38:51
  • Seoul to hold petroleum price cap until Gulf tensions ease
    Seoul to hold petroleum price cap until Gulf tensions ease SEOUL, July 27 (AJP) - President Lee Jae Myung said South Korea should maintain its ceiling on petroleum prices until instability in the oil market has clearly subsided, signaling that the emergency measure will remain a central part of the government’s response to renewed tensions in the Middle East. “I ask that the petroleum price ceiling remain in place until instability in oil prices has clearly been resolved, and that policy tools such as fuel-tax reductions be maintained to the greatest extent possible,” Lee said while presiding over a virtual meeting of senior presidential secretaries from Brasilia on Sunday. Lee, who is in Brazil on a state visit, said international oil prices were fluctuating again as security conditions in the Middle East deteriorated and warned that volatility could persist for some time. He instructed government ministries to consider additional measures to ease the burden on households and businesses should conditions worsen. The president specifically called for assistance for people whose livelihoods depend heavily on diesel, including truck drivers, construction-equipment operators, farmers, fishermen and mobile workers. He also ordered authorities to intensify their monitoring of hoarding, price-fixing and other practices that could disrupt the market, saying businesses should not be allowed to exploit a period of economic hardship for illegal profit. South Korea introduced its petroleum price-ceiling system on March 13 to curb a surge in domestic fuel costs following the outbreak of conflict involving the United States and Iran. It marked the country’s first direct ceiling on petroleum prices since the oil market was liberalized in 1997. The ceiling applies to prices charged by refiners when supplying gasoline, diesel and kerosene to gas stations and distributors. It does not directly regulate the retail prices displayed at gas stations. When the measure was introduced, the government said the ceiling would be calculated using changes in international petroleum-product prices and adjusted periodically. The government’s eighth price ceiling, which took effect Saturday and will remain in force for four weeks, was kept unchanged from the seventh round. Refinery supply prices are capped at 1,784 won ($1.22) per liter for gasoline, 1,773 won for diesel and 1,380 won for kerosene. The seventh ceiling had been lowered by 150 won per liter in late June after international oil prices declined following an agreement intended to ease the U.S.-Iran conflict. The reduction was expected to pull average retail fuel prices down from slightly above 2,000 won per liter into the 1,800-won range. The outlook has since changed as renewed U.S.-Iran tensions, disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz and threats to shipping in the Red Sea have pushed crude and refined-product prices sharply higher. Brent crude briefly rose above $100 a barrel last week for the first time in about two months. On Thursday, Dubai crude stood at $90.40 per barrel, Brent at $96.78 and West Texas Intermediate at $89.31, each roughly $10 higher than a week earlier. The government said earlier this month that domestic refiners had secured crude-import volumes for July and August equal to or greater than the amount brought in during the corresponding period last year, limiting the immediate risk of a domestic supply shortage. Authorities nevertheless said they were preparing alternative supplies and seeking to diversify import routes in case the conflict is prolonged. Alongside the price ceiling, the government has extended temporary fuel-tax reductions by two months through the end of September as part of efforts to contain living costs. The reductions had been scheduled to expire at the end of July. Lee also called for tighter management of prices for other essential goods as the summer vacation season begins, urging officials to pay closer attention to low-income households struggling with both extreme heat and rising living costs. He said the government should accelerate fiscal, tax and financial measures intended to direct liquidity toward small businesses and neighborhood commercial districts, stressing that the benefits of economic recovery should not remain concentrated in a limited number of sectors or income groups. 2026-07-27 10:58:24
  • Tariffs shouldnt define Korea-U.S. partnership: AMCHAM chief
    Tariffs shouldn't define Korea-U.S. partnership: AMCHAM chief SEOUL, July 27 (AJP) - A fresh round of U.S. tariffs may cloud the Korea-U.S. economic relationship, but they should not define one of the world's deepest strategic business partnerships, according to James Kim, Chairman and CEO of the American Chamber of Commerce in Korea. With Seoul and Washington seeking closer cooperation in artificial intelligence, semiconductors, shipbuilding and advanced manufacturing, Kim argued that sustained dialogue—not escalating trade measures—offers the best way to resolve disputes. "Direct engagement and constructive dialogue offer the best path to resolving complex trade issues," Kim said in an interview with AJP at AMCHAM Korea's office in Seoul. "Prolonged trade disputes or escalating trade measures can create unintended consequences for companies, workers, consumers and investors on both sides." Korean companies have become among the largest foreign investors in the United States across semiconductors, batteries, energy and manufacturing, while American companies increasingly view Korea as a strategic technology and production partner rather than simply a consumer market. Bilateral goods trade reached an estimated $194 billion in 2025, while the United States recorded an $11.3 billion surplus in services trade. "The U.S.-Korea economic relationship is broader, deeper and more strategic than at any point in its history," Kim said. "Our economies are deeply integrated, our supply chains are increasingly interconnected, and our companies are creating value together across a much broader range of strategic sectors." That integration also means tariffs rarely stop at the border. Higher costs on Korean components ripple through American factories, investors and consumers, while prolonged uncertainty delays decisions on new factories, research centers and regional headquarters. "Trade frictions rarely affect only one side," Kim said. "The impact would be felt not only by Korean exporters, but also by American companies operating in Korea." Rather than focusing on individual trade disputes, Kim urged policymakers to keep sight of the broader partnership spanning AI, defense, energy, biotechnology, shipbuilding and advanced manufacturing. "The goal should not be to determine who wins a trade dispute," he said. "It should be to strengthen the long-term competitiveness of both economies." Kim also expects bilateral communication to improve with Michelle Steel expected to arrive in Seoul as the first resident U.S. ambassador since Philip Goldberg departed in early 2025. Turning dialogue into access AMCHAM has increasingly positioned itself as a practical bridge between governments and businesses. Its annual Washington Doorknock program brings corporate leaders to meet U.S. administration officials and lawmakers. This year it expanded the initiative with K-Doorknock, giving Korean companies investing in America direct access to senior U.S. policymakers. From July 13 to 16, an 11-company delegation led by Kim held more than 30 meetings with White House officials, members of Congress, business organizations and policy institutions covering AI, semiconductors, shipbuilding, economic security and advanced manufacturing. "Our role is not to determine policy outcomes," Kim said. "Our role is to help ensure governments and businesses stay connected, communicate openly and work through issues before they become larger challenges." Early engagement is particularly valuable in disputes involving tariffs, digital regulation and national security, where policy misunderstandings can quickly escalate. "Many trade issues become more manageable when there is early engagement and a clear understanding of business realities," Kim said. Korea has strengths—but competition is intensifying Kim remains optimistic about Korea's long-term investment appeal, citing its skilled workforce, advanced digital infrastructure and globally competitive industrial base. "Korea is one of the world's most sophisticated and innovative economies," he said. Yet AMCHAM's 2026 Business Environment Survey also suggests Korea cannot afford to stand still. Korea slipped from second to third among preferred Asia-Pacific regional headquarters locations, behind Singapore and Hong Kong. Nearly 69 percent of respondents described the regulatory environment as restrictive or very restrictive. Kim views the findings as a roadmap rather than a setback. "The question today is not whether Korea is competitive, but how it can become even more competitive," he said. AMCHAM members identified labor-market flexibility, internationally aligned regulations and greater legal certainty as the top priorities for reform. "For businesses making long-term investment decisions, confidence in the policy environment is just as important as confidence in the market itself," Kim said. AI leadership requires global cooperation Kim believes artificial intelligence presents Korea's greatest opportunity. "Korea is exceptionally well positioned to become one of the world's leading AI economies," he said. "Few countries possess such a strong combination of technological capability, industrial depth and digital readiness." AMCHAM reinforced that message through its AI Forum earlier this month, where it launched the AMCHAM AI Leadership Council to promote cooperation on AI infrastructure, cross-border data flows, semiconductor supply chains and talent mobility. Kim also dismissed the notion that "sovereign AI" requires technological self-sufficiency. "The strongest AI ecosystems will combine robust domestic capabilities with open international collaboration," he said. That message comes as Washington continues to raise concerns over Korean proposals affecting digital platforms, cloud services and cross-border data transfers. Kim argued that regulation and innovation should reinforce—not undermine—each other. "I do not see fair competition and innovation as an either-or choice," he said. "A healthy digital economy depends on both." From trade to long-term investment Beyond trade, AMCHAM is working with both governments to translate ambitious investment commitments into tangible projects. Following Seoul's pledge to invest $350 billion in the United States under the Korea Strategic Trade and Investment Deal, AMCHAM has supported implementation through initiatives such as K-Doorknock, Buy America and its Doing Business in the U.S. Seminar. For Kim, those efforts reflect the evolution of the bilateral relationship. "My message would be simple: continue investing in the partnership," he said. "The U.S.-Korea relationship is one of the world's strongest and most dynamic economic partnerships. Today, our two countries are not only important trading partners, but also strategic partners in AI, semiconductors, advanced manufacturing, energy, biotechnology and the industries that will shape the future." Kim, a former chief executive of GM Korea and former president of Microsoft Korea, said AMCHAM will continue serving as "a trusted bridge" between the two governments and business communities as economic ties grow increasingly strategic. 2026-07-27 10:29:56
  • James Kim, AMCHAM Chairman, Warns of Burden from Prolonged Trade Conflicts
    James Kim, AMCHAM Chairman, Warns of Burden from Prolonged Trade Conflicts "As trade conflicts prolong, both Korean and American companies and consumers will bear the burden," said James Kim, chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce in Korea (AMCHAM), in an interview with Aju Economy. Amid rising trade tensions due to the implementation of Section 301 tariffs by the U.S., Kim emphasized the need for dialogue and negotiation to resolve trade issues. He stated, "It is more important to enhance the competitiveness of both countries than to focus on winning or losing in trade disputes." On July 24, the U.S. applied Section 301 tariffs to 60 trading partners, including South Korea, citing regulations against imports produced with forced labor. As a result, products from South Korea that fall under non-exempt categories and have a Most Favored Nation (MFN) tariff rate below 12.5% will now face a total tariff rate of 12.5%. However, items subject to Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act, such as automobiles, steel, and aluminum, are excluded. Kim noted, "The economies of South Korea and the U.S. are closely interconnected through investment, supply chains, and advanced manufacturing. If trade conflicts persist, it will inevitably affect not only Korean companies but also American businesses operating in Korea." He expressed concern that as government communication improves, companies can continue to invest and operate more stably, warning that an expansion of tariffs and retaliatory measures would ultimately burden businesses, consumers, and investors. Regarding the recent data breach incident involving Coupang and discussions surrounding Section 301 in the U.S., Kim took a cautious stance. He stated, "It is necessary to distinguish between the various opinions coming from Washington and the official position of the U.S. administration," and expressed hope that the Korean government and Coupang would find a reasonable solution through dialogue to avoid unnecessary burdens on the overall Korea-U.S. relationship. He also emphasized the importance of evaluating Coupang's contributions to domestic investment and employment. "Coupang has played a significant role in Korea-U.S. economic cooperation through continuous investment and large-scale employment," he said. Kim highlighted that the core of government regulation lies not in the quantity of regulations but in predictability and fairness. He stated, "When policy goals are clear and regulations are applied transparently and consistently, companies can make long-term investment decisions," adding that regulations on digital platforms should not be perceived as non-tariff barriers targeting specific American companies but should operate based on objective principles. He described AMCHAM's role as a bridge connecting Seoul and Washington, as well as government and businesses. AMCHAM conducts an annual 'Washington Doorknock' to meet with U.S. government officials, and this year, it also initiated the 'K-Doorknock' with direct participation from Korean companies. Kim concluded, "In a rapidly changing trade environment, direct communication is more important than ever. AMCHAM will continue to contribute to the advancement of Korea-U.S. economic cooperation through its role as a bridge between government and businesses." 2026-07-27 10:20:00
  • Trumps tariff maze keeps Korea guessing as another deadline looms
    Trump's tariff maze keeps Korea guessing as another deadline looms SEOUL, July 23 (AJP) - For U.S. trading partners—foes and allies alike—it has become nearly impossible to keep up with tariff rates during President Donald Trump’s second term. The levy on South Korean imports has swung from 25 percent to 10 percent, back toward 25 percent, down to 15 percent and then back again to 10 percent — all in little more than a year. The next number could be 12.5 percent. A temporary 10 percent U.S. surcharge on imports from South Korea and most other trading partners expires at 12:01 a.m. Eastern time on Friday. The Trump administration is preparing to replace it with tariffs imposed under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, citing the alleged failure of dozens of economies to block imports made with forced labor. South Korea has been provisionally placed among economies facing a proposed 12.5 percent tariff, rather than the 10 percent rate reserved for countries judged to have stronger or partial restrictions on forced-labor imports. U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer told lawmakers Wednesday that the final action could be released as soon as Thursday. If the proposal is adopted with similar product coverage, the additional tariff burden on many Korean exports would rise by 2.5 percentage points overnight. "It is at least somewhat reassuring that most of our major competitors fall into the same group subject to the 12.5 percent tariff," Rep. Park Sun-won of the Democratic Party, a former first deputy director of South Korea's National Intelligence Service, told AJP. "South Korean companies are fighting for survival to secure an edge over their overseas rivals." South Korean Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan traveled to Washington this week for meetings with senior U.S. officials as Seoul sought to preserve the 15 percent tariff ceiling negotiated last year and prevent another increase in the cost of accessing its second-largest export market. Yet the constantly shifting tariff rates tell only part of the story. Economists interviewed by AJP said Trump's tariffs are reshaping U.S. political coalitions, raising costs for American businesses and households, fragmenting global trade and steadily eroding confidence in agreements reached with Washington. "The tariffs have reshaped voter coalitions," said Kevin Milligan, professor of economics at the University of British Columbia. "Farm states like Iowa have suffered because their inputs — machinery, potash and other supplies — have become more expensive," he said. "Their agricultural exports have suffered from counter-tariffs imposed by other countries." "This has eroded President Trump's support in states like Iowa that have been heavily affected." Trump's first major blow to South Korea's export economy came through automobiles. On March 26, 2025, Trump invoked Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act, a national security provision, to impose a 25 percent tariff on imported automobiles and selected parts. The vehicle tariff took effect on April 3, followed by covered auto parts on May 3. Automobiles are among South Korea's largest exports to the United States, making the measure particularly consequential for Hyundai Motor, Kia and their extensive network of suppliers. Days later, Trump unveiled his "Liberation Day" trade program, imposing a 10 percent baseline tariff on most imports while assigning higher country-specific reciprocal tariffs to dozens of trading partners. South Korea received a 25 percent rate despite the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement having eliminated duties on most bilateral merchandise trade. The 10 percent baseline took effect on April 5, while South Korea's 25 percent reciprocal tariff formally began on April 9. It survived for barely a day. After global financial markets tumbled and governments pressed Washington to negotiate, Trump suspended the higher country-specific tariffs for 90 days. Beginning April 10, eligible South Korean products were again subject to a 10 percent tariff rather than 25 percent. The reciprocal tariff never applied universally. Automobiles, steel, aluminum and other products already covered under Section 232 remained outside the measure, as did semiconductors, pharmaceuticals, energy products and several other categories. That distinction remains crucial because there has never been a single tariff rate covering every South Korean export. Trump escalated his metals policy in June 2025 by doubling Section 232 tariffs on many steel and aluminum products to 50 percent. Washington later introduced more differentiated treatment, allowing some Korean steel and aluminum derivative products to receive a 15 percent tariff floor beginning in June 2026 while core metal products continued to face rates as high as 50 percent. The original 90-day pause was due to expire in July 2025. Trump instead extended negotiations until Aug. 1 while warning South Korea that the 25 percent reciprocal tariff would return unless the two governments reached an agreement. A preliminary deal emerged on July 30. Washington agreed to reduce the threatened tariff to 15 percent. In return, Seoul pledged a $350 billion investment framework in the United States, including $150 billion linked to shipbuilding and another $200 billion for strategic industries. Trump and President Lee Jae Myung finalized the core terms during their October summit in Gyeongju. A joint fact sheet later stated that the United States would generally apply whichever was higher — the existing tariff or 15 percent — to qualifying South Korean products. The agreement also lowered total tariffs on South Korean automobiles, auto parts, timber and lumber to 15 percent. The stability proved temporary. On Jan. 26, Trump accused South Korea's National Assembly of moving too slowly to implement legislation supporting the investment package and declared that tariffs on South Korean automobiles, lumber, pharmaceuticals and other products would rise from 15 percent to 25 percent. The announcement included neither an implementation date nor a formal revision to the U.S. tariff schedule. Two days later, Trump said the two countries would "work something out," effectively leaving the 15 percent arrangement intact. For Seoul, the episode underscored that even a negotiated trade agreement backed by a massive investment pledge could be reopened through a presidential social media post. Milligan said that unpredictability may ultimately prove more damaging to the United States than the economic cost of any individual tariff. "I think the biggest long-run impact is the complete erosion of trust in 'deals' made with the United States," he said. "Canadians and many other governments have watched President Trump rip up commitments and walk away from solemn agreements." "Trust in the United States has forever been broken, and this will have serious long-term consequences because countries will hesitate to strike deals if they believe America's word can no longer be relied upon." The legal foundation of Trump's reciprocal tariff system collapsed on Feb. 20 when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6-3 that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act did not authorize the president to impose tariffs. The ruling invalidated the emergency-based tariff system under which South Korea had first faced a 25 percent tariff before negotiating it down to 15 percent. It did not affect tariffs imposed under separate authorities, including Section 232 measures covering automobiles and metals. Trump responded by invoking Section 122 of the Trade Act, allowing the administration to impose a temporary 10 percent import surcharge for up to 150 days beginning Feb. 24 and expiring Friday. Washington simultaneously began constructing a more durable replacement under Section 301, which authorizes trade action against foreign practices deemed unreasonable or burdensome to U.S. commerce. The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative opened investigations into 60 economies accounting for more than 99 percent of U.S. imports. Its June report concluded that South Korea had failed to adequately prohibit imports produced with forced labor and that the failure burdened U.S. commerce. Seoul has rejected the proposed 12.5 percent tariff as disproportionate, arguing that South Korea's labor protections, cooperation with the United States and bilateral trade commitments warrant different treatment. The investigation nevertheless illustrates the administration's ability to move from one legal authority to another — emergency powers, national security statutes, a temporary balance-of-payments provision and now an unfair-trade investigation — while keeping tariffs at the center of U.S. trade policy. Kenneth Rogoff, professor of economics at Harvard University and former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, described the approach as an effort to use trade policy as an instrument of personal and political power. "Trump's weaponization of tariffs, and his use of them as a tool of individual power, will surely undermine U.S. leadership in the global economy over the long run," Rogoff said. "The inevitable balkanization of global trade will also undermine the dominance of the U.S. dollar." Costs for American companies and workers Trump has repeatedly argued that tariffs will revive manufacturing, encourage companies to build factories in the United States and reduce dependence on foreign supply chains. Milligan offered a sharply different assessment. "For the U.S. economy, there is nothing good," he said. "Manufacturing employment is down as exports suffer, while the cost of imported inputs such as Canadian aluminum has risen." U.S. manufacturing employment declined from about 12.64 million in June 2025 to 12.60 million in June 2026, according to seasonally adjusted Bureau of Labor Statistics data. Employment in motor vehicle and parts manufacturing fell by more than 21,000 over the same period. Tariffs designed to protect one domestic industry can simultaneously raise costs for downstream manufacturers using imported steel, aluminum and intermediate goods. Exporters may also face retaliation abroad, while households ultimately bear part of the burden through higher retail prices. David Laibson, the Robert I. Goldman Professor of Economics at Harvard University, summarized the impact succinctly. "U.S. tariffs have damaged the global trading system, hurting most U.S. households, most U.S. firms, and all U.S. trading partners." Rogoff said the tariffs had caused less macroeconomic damage than initially feared, although the longer-term structural risks remained significant. "The effects on the U.S. economy have been relatively modest," he said, adding that Trump's immigration crackdown, particularly on highly skilled workers, "will ultimately have a much greater impact." "The global economy has also proved surprisingly resilient despite the arbitrary nature of the tariffs and the broader erosion of confidence in U.S. global leadership." IMF projections reflect that combination of resilience and drag. The fund forecasts global growth of 3 percent in 2026 and 3.4 percent in 2027 while expecting world trade volume growth to slow from 5 percent in 2025 to 3.5 percent this year. "The broader global economy: the impact is bad, but not as bad as feared," Milligan said. "For Canada, which is the most dependent on U.S. trade, the impact has been much larger. But not for the world as a whole." A policy that may outlast Trump The political consequences are harder to isolate. Trump has simultaneously pursued sweeping changes in immigration, taxation, foreign policy and the federal bureaucracy, making it difficult to determine how much of his declining approval ratings can be attributed specifically to tariffs. "As for the political impact in the United States, he has taken so many dramatic actions that it is difficult to isolate any one policy as the dominant driver of his low approval ratings," Rogoff said. He nevertheless expects aggressive tariff policy to continue through the remainder of Trump's presidency and perhaps beyond. "I strongly expect Trump to continue to use tariffs aggressively for the next two and a half years," Rogoff said. "Frankly, things may not change that much after 2028, given that the Democratic Party is dominated by the hard left, who are very protectionist, while any Republican successor will likely need to embrace Trump's policies to secure his political support." For South Korea, the immediate question is whether Friday's expiring 10 percent surcharge will be replaced by the proposed 12.5 percent tariff, a modified rate with broader exemptions or yet another last-minute compromise. Today, the tariff facing a Korean exporter depends not only on the country of origin but also on the product itself, its tariff classification, its metal content and the particular U.S. trade law being invoked. The broader lesson extends well beyond tariff schedules. The Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement may continue to set the underlying tariff on most Korean products at or near zero, but it has not shielded exporters from additional duties imposed under U.S. domestic trade laws. Nor did Seoul's promise to invest $350 billion in the United States permanently settle the tariff question. After more than a year of threats, negotiations, court rulings and fresh investigations, the tariff on South Korean exports is once again no longer a fixed number. It is a moving target. 2026-07-23 17:24:33
  • Lee seeks broad consensus on housing to avoid Japan-style property bust
    Lee seeks broad consensus on housing to avoid Japan-style property bust SEOUL, July 23 (AJP) -Normalizing property prices distorted by "abnormal" demand and supply is the purpose of housing policy, South Korean President Lee Jae Myung said Thursday, calling for a broad social consensus on how to balance housing supply, lending restrictions and taxation to prevent the country from following Japan's decades-long property bust. "Real estate is one of the biggest challenges facing the Republic of Korea," Lee said in opening remarks at a nationally televised housing policy forum held at the KBS annex in Seoul. "Looking at the assets held by Korean households, real estate accounts for the largest share," he said. "There is broad public consensus that measures are needed to address property prices." Lee warned that South Korea should draw lessons from Japan, where soaring land and property prices in the late 1980s culminated in the collapse of one of the world's largest asset bubbles. "Japan once suffered greatly because of its property problem," Lee said. "Prices continued to rise until they reached their limit and burst like a balloon, leading people to speak of the 'lost 20 years' and the 'lost 30 years.'" "There are quite a few people who worry that we, too, may be racing toward that peak." The forum came as the government searches for a policy formula capable of cooling Seoul's increasingly unaffordable housing market without undermining household finances, suppressing legitimate demand or further discouraging residential construction. Lee stressed that the government was not seeking to force housing prices lower artificially but to normalize distortions created by imbalances in demand and supply while reconciling competing interests over land, credit, taxation and the basic purpose of housing. "A house is a place to live, but it is also an investment asset," he said. He acknowledged that expanding supply remained essential but argued policymakers faced practical and political limits over where and how new homes could be built. "If the government tries to release greenbelt land, nearby residents ask why good land should be destroyed," Lee said. "Some argue that we should build homes even at the cost of some environmental damage. In any case, there are clear limits to supply." The president also revisited the long-running debate over whether taxes should be used to influence housing demand and supply, saying such intervention could depart from taxation's original purpose and therefore remained open to legitimate public debate. He took a similar view of mortgage lending, describing finance as "half public" because banks ultimately lend money entrusted to them by society. "Who should be given the opportunity to use finance can ultimately be translated into a question of policy," Lee said. "There are those who believe people should be allowed to use finance to buy homes for profit. But if that causes housing prices to rise excessively, people who actually need homes end up suffering." South Korea's housing market has long forced successive governments to balance protecting homeowners' wealth with improving affordability for younger and lower-income households. Restrictions on borrowing may curb speculative demand but also make it more difficult for first-time buyers to enter the market, while supply measures often take years to translate into completed homes. Lee said making such trade-offs was among the most difficult responsibilities of government. "When one side is pushed down, another side tends to rise," he said. "The power to bring competing sides to a final conclusion is power itself. That is why public officials are elected or appointed." "Even if it brings some conflict and resistance, isn't this what people elected someone like me to do?" he added. "When authority is exercised, responsibility must be taken in proportion to that authority. The greatest virtue of a public official is taking responsibility." Lee said officials must be prepared to withstand criticism and political resistance but should first gather and reconcile as many opinions as possible, which he said was the purpose of Thursday's forum bringing together policymakers, academics, financial experts, real estate professionals, civic groups and members of the public. Jin Mi-yoon, a professor at Myongji University's Graduate School of Real Estate, at the debate argued that Korea's biggest supply problem was not merely fewer homes being built but a breakdown in the entire housing pipeline. "What is most concerning today is that the housing supply chain — from permits to construction starts and ultimately occupancy — has been broken," Jin said. She warned that today's decline in construction starts would eventually translate into fewer completed homes and properties available for sale, placing greater pressure on housing costs for working- and middle-class households. Jin called for targeted financial and tax support to revive housing construction, with priority given to projects most likely to proceed quickly to actual building. She also urged more active management of redevelopment and reconstruction projects, which are frequently delayed by rising construction costs, disputes among association members and deteriorating project economics. "Various types of housing must be supplied at prices people can afford," Jin said. She further proposed fostering professional rental housing operators so the rental market could provide stable housing while helping tenants move gradually toward homeownership. Official data illustrate the uneven nature of the housing recovery. Nationwide housing completions fell 17.8 percent in 2025, while Seoul presales plunged 53.3 percent. Although construction starts rose 27 percent year-on-year during the first five months of 2026, that improvement has yet to translate into a sustained increase in completed housing. The government plans to begin construction on 1.35 million homes across the Seoul metropolitan area between 2026 and 2030, equivalent to about 270,000 homes annually. It also aims to develop roughly 60,000 additional homes on underused public land while starting construction on more than 62,000 public housing units this year, including 18,200 in third-generation new towns. Kim Young-do, a senior research fellow at the Korea Institute of Finance, proposed imposing a macroprudential levy on borrowers taking unusually large mortgages, arguing that excessive use of society's limited lending resources should carry an explicit cost. Such a levy could be targeted at borrowers purchasing expensive homes and help reduce the tendency for transactions in luxury properties to push up prices across the broader market, although he acknowledged it would not be a cure-all. Kim argued that existing tools—including loan-to-value and debt-service-ratio regulations and lending quotas—mainly restrict the quantity of credit. Policymakers should also consider whether price-based measures could work more efficiently. "The housing market is too complex to be treated with a single regulation," Kim said. "The core of demand-control policy is an appropriate combination of measures, and the order of priority is also important." Lee's administration has already introduced some of the toughest mortgage restrictions in recent years, progressively tightening loan ceilings, reducing loan-to-value ratios and imposing stricter borrowing limits on higher-priced homes in Seoul and surrounding areas. Even so, the capital's housing market has continued to climb. Seoul apartment prices rose 0.30 percent in the second week of July, extending gains to a 75th consecutive week, while jeonse deposit prices increased 0.28 percent. Household borrowing has also remained elevated despite tighter lending rules. The government aims to limit household loan growth to 1.5 percent this year and reduce household debt to around 80 percent of gross domestic product by 2030, while the Bank of Korea raised its benchmark interest rate to 2.75 percent on July 16, its first increase since January 2023, citing inflation, household debt and an overheating property market. Lee said public attitudes toward housing appeared to be evolving, with greater emphasis being placed on homes as places for stable living rather than simply vehicles for investment. He also said there was growing agreement that young people, newlyweds and families with several children deserved special consideration. Expressing confidence that consensus was achievable, Lee said another round of discussions chaired by the prime minister could be held if necessary. 2026-07-23 14:28:10
  • Lee revives Koreas unfinished abortion debate
    Lee revives Korea's unfinished abortion debate SEOUL, July 21 (AJP) - For seven years, South Korea's abortion debate has remained trapped between a Constitutional Court ruling that struck down the country's abortion ban and a legal vacuum that has left women navigating an unregulated market for medication. President Lee Jae Myung has now thrust the issue back onto the government's agenda by questioning why women seeking to terminate pregnancies are still being driven toward illicit online sellers for a medicine that is legally prescribed across much of the developed world. At a Cabinet meeting on July 14, Lee instructed the government to find a way to permit the proper use of mifepristone even before lawmakers complete long-delayed revisions to abortion laws. "Even if it creates some difficulty for the government, we should make it possible for the drug to be administered properly," Lee said. "I think it is irresponsible for the government to leave things as they are." Lee also suggested doctors could temporarily be given professional discretion over prescribing the medicine, arguing supervised treatment is preferable to women buying unidentified products online without prescriptions or follow-up care. Relevant ministries have begun consultations under the Office for Government Policy Coordination. His intervention has transformed what had largely been a dispute among regulators, women's rights groups and medical organizations into a broader test of whether the government can move administratively while the National Assembly remains deadlocked. At the center of the debate is mifepristone, used together with misoprostol, the internationally accepted medication regimen for early pregnancy termination and approved in nearly 100 countries. Can approval come before abortion-law reform? Progressive Party lawmaker Son Sol, who has proposed revisions to Korea's abortion laws, argues it can. She said the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety already has authority under the Pharmaceutical Affairs Act to review and approve mifepristone independently of broader abortion legislation. "Marketing authorization should be pursued first, while amendments to the Mother and Child Health Act and related laws covering the legal definition of pregnancy termination, standards for medical provision and national health insurance coverage should proceed at the same time," Son told AJP. The distinction is significant. Drug approval determines whether a medicine satisfies standards for safety, efficacy and quality, along with approved dosage, indications and gestational limits. Separate legislation would still be required to determine who may prescribe the drug, where it may be dispensed, how complications are managed and whether treatment qualifies for national health insurance. Son's amendment to the Mother and Child Health Act, introduced in March, remains stalled in committee along with a companion bill extending national health insurance coverage for abortion care. The legislative impasse dates back to April 2019, when South Korea's Constitutional Court ruled that blanket criminal punishment for abortion disproportionately infringed women's right to self-determination. The court gave lawmakers until the end of 2020 to devise a replacement framework, but Parliament failed to act, causing the criminal provisions to lapse on Jan. 1, 2021. The result has been an uneasy legal overlap in which criminal penalties disappeared while the country's medical and regulatory systems were never comprehensively updated. Medical evidence versus political deadlock Medical specialists say the debate should be grounded in evidence rather than political rhetoric. Lee Yong Soo, a pharmacology professor at Duksung Women's University, explained that mifepristone blocks progesterone receptors needed to sustain pregnancy, while misoprostol induces uterine contractions to expel pregnancy tissue. Because the medicines are administered only once, prolonged drug toxicity is not the principal concern, Lee said. Greater risks arise from incomplete abortion, excessive bleeding or infection, making proper follow-up care essential. Cho Jung Hwan, professor of pharmacy at Sookmyung Women's University, said neither portraying the regimen as experimental nor describing it as harmless accurately reflects current scientific evidence. Clinical studies cited in U.S. prescribing information show complete termination rates of approximately 96 to 97 percent through 70 days of pregnancy, he said. Around 2.6 to 3.8 percent of patients require surgical intervention because of ongoing pregnancy, incomplete expulsion, bleeding or patient request, while serious adverse reactions occur in fewer than 0.5 percent of cases. He nevertheless stressed that safe introduction would require screening for ectopic pregnancy, assessment of contraindications, informed consent, emergency referral systems and follow-up examinations seven to 14 days after treatment. Any Korean approval, he said, should combine scientific review with quality control, patient counseling, emergency care and clearly defined legal responsibility. That evidence-based middle ground remains largely absent from Korea's illicit market. Na-young, head of the Center for Sexual Rights and Reproductive Justice, or SHARE, said many women, particularly teenagers, continue purchasing abortion pills through unregulated channels without knowing the ingredients or dosage. A five-year regulatory loop Hyundai Pharmaceutical first applied for Korean approval of Mifegymiso in July 2021. The company withdrew the application in late 2022 after the MFDS requested additional safety, efficacy and quality data. It reapplied in December 2024, and the application remains under review. The prolonged process reflects two separate questions. One concerns whether the product satisfies Korean pharmaceutical standards. The other is whether the government is prepared to determine prescription rules before lawmakers agree on a comprehensive abortion framework. Critics of immediate introduction argue that approval alone cannot resolve issues including medical liability, emergency treatment, conscientious objection and protections for minors. Ahn Sang-hoon, a People Power Party lawmaker and former Seoul National University professor, said political hesitation reflects interests extending well beyond medicine. "The reason the South Korean government and political community have been passive on the issue of pregnancy termination is that it is not confined to an area of professional judgment such as medicine, but involves the complex interests of various groups, including religious communities," Ahn told AJP. "This is an issue that requires consideration not only of a specific medication but also of cultural responses, including efforts to promote adoption." Is access a constitutional obligation? Jeff King, professor of law at University College London, said recognition of a protected personal choice does not automatically create a constitutional obligation for governments to provide abortion services. A court could, for example, conclude cannabis use should not be criminalized without requiring governments to facilitate access, he said. The analysis changes, however, if people cannot safely exercise a legally protected choice because the government fails to regulate access to necessary medical treatment. King was more critical of delaying pharmaceutical review solely until lawmakers complete abortion legislation. If regulators do not ordinarily suspend drug reviews because a treatment is politically controversial, withholding a decision on mifepristone could indicate opposition to abortion rather than ordinary pharmaceutical standards, he said. In that case, prolonged delay itself could become vulnerable to constitutional challenge. His analysis broadly aligns with South Korea's National Human Rights Commission, which last year urged the government to integrate abortion care into the public health system, apply national health insurance coverage, train medical professionals and introduce abortion medication as an essential medicine. Other countries separate approval from service rules International experience suggests pharmaceutical approval, abortion law and health-care delivery need not be resolved simultaneously. France approved mifepristone in 1988, the United States in 2000 and Japan in 2023. England and Wales permanently allow eligible patients to receive early medical-abortion medication through teleconsultation and complete treatment at home. The World Health Organization similarly supports self-managed medical abortion before 12 weeks, provided patients have accurate medical information, quality-assured medicines, trained health-care providers and access to emergency treatment when needed. The international record therefore offers little support for either extreme. It does not endorse unrestricted online sales, but neither does it suggest governments must postpone pharmaceutical approval until every legal and ethical question surrounding abortion has been resolved. Two clocks are running The Lee administration now faces two separate timelines. One runs at the Ministry of Food and Drug Safety, where Hyundai Pharmaceutical's application remains under review. The other runs at the National Assembly, where abortion-law revisions have remained dormant since March. The president's remarks cannot resolve questions over gestational limits, insurance coverage, conscientious objection or medical liability. But they have made one point increasingly difficult for the government to avoid: continued inaction is itself a policy choice. Medical experts broadly agree that authorization must be accompanied by screening, follow-up care and emergency medical support. Lawmakers remain divided over how abortion should ultimately be regulated. The question is no longer whether South Korea can continue postponing a decision. Women seeking abortions have already been absorbing the consequences through uncertain products, high costs and fragmented medical care. The issue now is whether Lee's intervention finally connects decriminalization with a functioning health-care system — or merely opens another chapter in a debate that has already outlasted the law it was meant to replace. 2026-07-21 17:57:28