AJU PRESS ASIA FIRST NEWS AGENCY

Journalist

Kim Hee-su
Kim Hee-su김희수
ReporterMinistry of Foreign Affairs, Seoul City Hall & Defense, Foreign Affairs
Kim Hee-su is a bilingual reporter at AJU Press, covering defense and foreign affairs. Before joining AJP in 2025, she worked at The Korea Times, where she wrote interview stories, including a profile of North Korean defector Kim Gum-hyok, and produced digital content. She also previously worked as a researcher for KBS News 9’s International News Department, supporting correspondents in 10 countries around the world. She graduated from the University of Toronto in Canada with a double major in Book and Media Studies and East Asian Studies. "I'm driven by storytelling."
Latest by Kim Hee-su
  • NATO looms over Canadas Korea-Germany submarine choice
    NATO looms over Canada's Korea-Germany submarine choice SEOUL, June 22 (AJP) - Canada's $40 billion submarine procurement is evolving from an industrial contest into a geopolitical choice, with an upcoming NATO summit poised to give Germany an edge over South Korea by elevating alliance politics over delivery speed. South Korea's Hanwha Ocean and Germany's ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems, or TKMS, are entering the final stretch of the race to win a contract to deliver 12 submarines to replace Canada's aging Victoria-class fleet. The contest increasingly presents Ottawa with two distinct propositions. Hanwha is offering a variant of its operational KSS-III submarine, backed by a faster delivery schedule designed to prevent a gap in Canada's undersea capabilities. TKMS, meanwhile, is proposing its Type 212CD platform while emphasizing deeper integration with European NATO allies. The timing is critical. Canada's four Victoria-class submarines are expected to begin retiring around 2035, the same year Ottawa hopes to receive its first replacement vessel. Hanwha says it can deliver four submarines by then. Germany and Norway have proposed giving Canada priority access to some Type 212CD submarines already ordered for their own navies, allowing TKMS to advance delivery of four vessels to 2036. That would still leave the German proposal roughly a year behind Hanwha's schedule. The strategic calculus has drawn renewed attention ahead of the NATO summit in Ankara on July 7 and 8, as Canada seeks to expand its role in Arctic and North Atlantic security. Highlighting allied interoperability, TKMS has been urging Canada to join Germany and Norway in operating a combined fleet of as many as 24 Type 212CD submarines across the Arctic and North Atlantic. Such an arrangement would allow the three NATO members to share spare parts, training, maintenance and logistics, potentially reducing long-term operating costs while strengthening allied undersea operations in the region. Defense analysts say choosing the Type 212CD would also send a broader political signal about Canada's strategic alignment with Europe. Canada's recent participation in the European Union's Security Action for Europe, or SAFE, program has emerged as another potential variable in the competition. The Council of the European Union formally concluded the agreement with Canada on June 15, just weeks before Ottawa is expected to select a preferred bidder. The €150 billion euro initiative is designed to support joint defense procurement and strengthen Europe's defense industrial base. Canada became the first non-European country to join the program, giving Canadian companies greater access to European defense projects and supply chains. The agreement does not oblige Ottawa to purchase a European submarine, but it bolsters TKMS' argument that its proposal aligns with Canada's broader push to deepen industrial and defense cooperation with Europe. Hanwha has sought to counter those political advantages with a real-world demonstration of its platform. The South Korean Navy's Dosan Ahn Chang-ho, the lead vessel of the KSS-III class being offered to Canada, crossed the Pacific to Esquimalt in May with two Canadian submariners on board. The submarine later conducted joint exercises with the Royal Canadian Navy off Canada's west coast in early June, giving Canadian sailors a firsthand opportunity to evaluate its operational capabilities. As the competition enters its final phase, familiarity and interoperability may ultimately prove decisive. Moon Geun-sik, a special professor at Hanyang University and a submarine expert, said the two bids appeared largely comparable in industrial and economic terms. Canada, however, may place greater emphasis on NATO relations and its expanding defense partnership with Europe, he said. "The government is looking closely at NATO, while the EU is also offering support through SAFE," Moon said. "Canada appears to be agonizing over the decision." Moon added that Ottawa, after initially considering an announcement by the end of June, could postpone its decision until after the NATO summit, although Canada has not officially revised its timetable. "If political considerations carry greater weight, that would put Korea at a disadvantage," Moon said. "I think there is a possibility that Canada will make a political decision." For Hanwha, that political equation remains the biggest uncertainty as the competition enters its final stage. 2026-06-22 16:55:45
  • Two ships run by Korean carriers exit Hormuz under U.S.-Iran deal
    Two ships run by Korean carriers exit Hormuz under U.S.-Iran deal SEOUL, June 22 (AJP) - Two ships run by South Korean carriers have left the Strait of Hormuz under a U.S.-Iran agreement, marking the first such departures since the two countries reached a deal aimed at ending the war. No South Korean crew members were aboard the vessels, and neither ship was bound for South Korea, according to Seoul’s Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries. “The vessels have not yet fully cleared the danger zone,” the ministry said. “Considering the safety of the crew and the positions of the shipping companies, we ask for understanding that we cannot disclose specific information, including transit details, the operators or the names of the vessels.” The passage was made possible under a U.S.-Iran memorandum of understanding signed on June 17. Article 5 of the memorandum of understanding states that Iran will take measures to allow vessels to pass through the Strait of Hormuz without transit charges for 60 days from the signing of the agreement. Iran’s Persian Gulf Strait Authority subsequently began accepting applications for passage, and shipping companies operating South Korean vessels stranded in the area also submitted requests. The latest departures reduced the number of Korea-related vessels remaining inside the strait to 22. There were 26 such vessels in the area when the strait was closed in late February. An oil tanker and a liquefied natural gas carrier were later allowed to leave following consultations with Iranian authorities, leaving 24 vessels at the time the war-ending agreement was reached. A total of 135 South Korean seafarers remain in the area, including 102 aboard South Korean vessels and 33 serving on foreign vessels. More Korea-related ships are expected to leave the strait in stages following the two latest departures. The ministry said it is providing information on transit conditions and conducting real-time monitoring to support the safe passage of South Korean vessels. Uncertainty remains, however, as tensions in the Middle East continue. Iran’s military threatened on June 20 to close the Strait of Hormuz again in response to Israeli airstrikes in southern Lebanon. 2026-06-22 10:21:53
  • Canadas submarine choice extends beyond hardware to workers and allies
    Canada's submarine choice extends beyond hardware to workers and allies SEOUL, June 19 (AJP) - Canada's plan to acquire up to 12 new submarines is entering a decisive phase, but mounting concerns over labor shortages, industrial capacity and military interoperability suggest choosing a winning bidder may be the easiest part of the program. South Korea's Hanwha Ocean and Germany's ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems, or TKMS, are the two finalists for the multibillion-dollar contract, with Ottawa expected to make a decision within weeks. But as the selection nears, attention is increasingly shifting from the submarines themselves to whether Canada can build the infrastructure, workforce and alliance networks needed to sustain them for decades. Ottawa is considering two sites in the Halifax region for a new submarine maintenance facility to support the future fleet, The Globe and Mail reported, citing an internal federal document. The leading options are Wright's Cove, an industrial inlet in Dartmouth, and the Naval Armament Depot in Bedford, a restricted military site that has supported the Royal Canadian Navy since World War II. The facility would operate under a government-owned, contractor-operated model, with Ottawa funding the infrastructure and a private company managing day-to-day operations. But the plan has raised concerns at Irving Shipbuilding, Halifax's largest naval contractor, which is already preparing to expand production of 15 River-class destroyers under a program valued at about C$60 billion ($43.7 billion). Irving argues that a separate submarine maintenance operator could recruit workers from its Halifax shipyard at a time when both programs will require hundreds of additional tradespeople. More than 1,000 new skilled workers could ultimately be needed across the submarine facility and Irving's surface ship program, according to the report. Marine pipefitters, hull fabricators and advanced systems engineers cannot be trained quickly, raising concerns that the two projects could end up competing for the same limited pool of workers. "If you announce submarines on Wednesday, you don't have the people to fix them on Thursday," Jean-François Séguin, Irving Shipbuilding's vice president for government relations and communications, said. Irving has asked the federal government to include it in discussions on the submarine maintenance workforce and expand existing apprenticeship and training programs instead of creating a separate labor pipeline from scratch. Ottawa has already invested millions of dollars with Irving in workforce development programs for the River-class destroyers, which will require hundreds of additional workers by the early 2030s. The labor dispute underscores the broader challenge facing the Canadian Patrol Submarine Project, or CPSP, which is expected to cost as much as C$80 billion over the coming decades. Both Hanwha Ocean and TKMS have pledged to create Canadian jobs and establish long-term maintenance capabilities on both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Hanwha Ocean recently signed a teaming agreement with Canadian construction company PCL Construction aimed at developing naval infrastructure nationwide. The Korean shipbuilder is offering a version of its KSS-III submarine, while TKMS is proposing its Type 212CD platform. Ottawa is expected to select a preferred supplier by the end of June, with the first submarine targeted for delivery by 2035. That timetable is particularly important because Canada's four aging Victoria-class submarines are expected to begin retiring around the same period. Choosing either Hanwha Ocean or TKMS would also mark a significant departure from Canada's traditional reliance on British and American defense suppliers. Since the 1960s, Canada's major naval acquisitions have been closely linked to equipment and operating practices from its two closest military partners. A fleet built around Korean or German submarines would therefore represent more than a change in manufacturer. It would tie a significant share of Canada's future undersea combat capability to industrial and technical support from Seoul or Berlin for decades. That shift raises another challenge: preserving Canada's deep military integration with the United States. Geoffrey F. Collins, an associate professor at the University of Prince Edward Island, argued in a separate Globe and Mail commentary that Ottawa must balance supplier diversification with its longstanding continental defense commitments. Canadian submarines and surface vessels have traditionally carried U.S.-made torpedoes, sensors and combat management systems to ensure interoperability with American forces. The River-class destroyers now under construction in Halifax will also carry U.S.-made missiles, radar systems, sensors and electric motors, while Canada has selected Boeing's P-8A Poseidon to replace its CP-140 maritime patrol aircraft. The future submarine fleet will similarly need to exchange sensor and communications data securely with the United States, particularly as Canada assumes a larger maritime warning role under the North American Aerospace Defense Command, or NORAD. Washington's latest national defense strategy has also called on Canada to play a greater role in protecting North America from undersea threats. That means Ottawa cannot assess competing bids solely on price, delivery schedules or domestic job creation. The winning platform will also have to fit into a North American military network that has been built over eight decades. The debate unfolding in Halifax illustrates how Canada's strategic ambitions are colliding with practical constraints. Before its aging submarines retire, Ottawa must simultaneously build infrastructure, train workers, protect its destroyer program and preserve interoperability with the United States. For Hanwha Ocean and TKMS, the competition is therefore no longer simply about delivering a better submarine. It is about proving they can provide the industrial ecosystem, skilled workforce and allied links needed to keep Canada's next fleet operating for an entire generation. 2026-06-19 16:23:14
  • Seoul seeks to reassure U.S. Congress over tighter OPCON oversight
    Seoul seeks to reassure U.S. Congress over tighter OPCON oversight SEOUL, June 19 (AJP) - South Korea is actively explaining its wartime operational control transfer plan to the U.S. Congress after a Senate committee approved legislation that would strengthen congressional oversight of the process, Seoul’s Defense Ministry said Friday. A ministry official declined to directly assess legislation still under consideration in Washington but said South Korea and the United States were closely consulting on the transfer of wartime operational control, or OPCON. “The two sides are consulting closely based on a shared view that the transition should further strengthen the allies’ combined defense posture on the Korean Peninsula,” the official said. “We are also actively explaining this position to the U.S. Congress,” the official added. The Senate Armed Services Committee approved its version of the fiscal 2027 National Defense Authorization Act on June 11. The bill would require the U.S. defense secretary to submit reports every 90 days from March 1, 2027, through 2030 on progress in implementing the bilateral OPCON transfer roadmap. The provision would require regular reports to Congress on how the allies are implementing their jointly agreed OPCON transfer plan, revised in 2018. The reports would also include assessments from the commanders of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command and U.S. Forces Korea on South Korea’s progress toward meeting the conditions to assume OPCON. Seoul plans to complete the full operational capability, or FOC, review of the future Combined Forces Command this fall and then propose a target year for the transfer. The allies would then move to the final full mission capability, or FMC, evaluation to determine whether the command can carry out all of its assigned missions. The proposed 90-day reporting requirement could take effect while that final evaluation is under way, potentially giving Congress a greater role in monitoring whether the required conditions have been met. Some observers say the provision may reflect an effort within the Senate committee to give greater weight to the views of U.S. military commanders, who have emphasized that the transfer should proceed only after all agreed conditions are satisfied. The NDAA still requires approval by the full Senate and House of Representatives, followed by reconciliation of the two chambers’ versions and the president’s signature. Seoul is expected to stress to lawmakers that an early OPCON transfer is backed by the political leadership of both countries and is intended to strengthen, rather than weaken, the alliance’s combined defense posture. Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back met U.S. senators and representatives on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue late last month and asked for bipartisan congressional support for the transfer. 2026-06-19 15:33:03
  • Iran opens Hormuz transit applications, paving way for 24 Korean ships
    Iran opens Hormuz transit applications, paving way for 24 Korean ships SEOUL, June 19 (AJP) - Iran has begun accepting transit applications from vessels stranded inside the Strait of Hormuz under its agreement to end the war with the U.S., paving the way for 24 stranded Korean-related ships to leave the waterway. Iran’s Persian Gulf Strait Authority, or PGSA, began receiving applications through its website, according to industry sources Friday. The move follows a memorandum of understanding between Iran and the U.S. that calls for the strait to remain open to vessels without transit fees for 60 days from the signing of the agreement. Under Article 5 of the memorandum, Iran is required to ensure safe passage through the strait during the period. Iran’s Supreme National Security Council said Thursday that the PGSA had been instructed to “review and process all applications expeditiously and with priority.” Shipping companies operating the 24 Korean-related vessels stranded inside the strait are expected to apply separately to the Iranian authority for passage. The South Korean government plans to track the applications and closely monitor the ships once they begin moving to help ensure their safe passage. Vessels approved to leave the strait are expected to use an alternative route designated by Iran that is considered relatively safe from mines laid in the area. It remains unclear when all the vessels stranded inside the strait will be able to leave. The number of ships waiting in the area is estimated at as many as 1,000. The PGSA is expected to draw up a transit plan based on the applications and inform each vessel of its assigned departure time and route. 2026-06-19 10:38:20
  • N. Korea denuclearization remains top priority for US: senior US diplomat
    N. Korea denuclearization remains top priority for US: senior US diplomat SEOUL, June 19 (AJP) -The Trump administration places North Korea's denuclearization high on its foreign policy agenda and remains open to dialogue with Pyongyang, while signaling that any transfer of wartime operational control to South Korea will proceed cautiously and under military guidance, a senior U.S. diplomat said Thursday. David Wilezol, deputy assistant secretary of state for Japan, Korea and Mongolia, made the remarks during a Korea-U.S. Strategic Industries and Security Forum hosted by TriForum in Washington, amid questions over whether Pyongyang would ever return to denuclearization talks as it accelerates its nuclear weapons program. "With regard to North Korea, I think (its denuclearization) is very high up on the priority list," Wilezol said. "I'm not going to get into a ranking game, but certainly the conversations about North Korea that occur in any presidential administration, and certainly in ours, revolve around denuclearization." His comments came hours after Kim Yo-jong, the influential sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, rejected a recent G7 statement reaffirming North Korea's denuclearization, calling it a "line of no retreat that can never be crossed." Wilezol pointed to recent diplomatic statements as evidence that denuclearization remains a shared international objective. He noted that Donald Trump and Xi Jinping reaffirmed their commitment to North Korea's denuclearization during last month's summit and that G7 leaders reiterated the same position during their meeting in France this week. He also emphasized close coordination with Seoul and Tokyo. "We maintain very close cooperation bilaterally with South Korea and trilaterally with Japan," he said. "However that effort unfolds, denuclearization remains a priority for us." The diplomat reiterated Washington's openness to reengaging with Pyongyang. "We've been very clear that if Chairman Kim is ready to talk, the Trump administration is ready to have those conversations," he said. At the same time, he stressed that the administration would continue pursuing its "peace through strength" strategy by enforcing sanctions and working with allies to cut off North Korea's illicit revenue streams. That includes combating cyberattacks, overseas IT worker operations and cryptocurrency thefts linked to the North Korean regime. "We will continue to deprive the regime of sources of revenue and draw a clear line against behavior that the United States and our allies cannot tolerate," he said. On the issue of transferring wartime operational control, or OPCON, to South Korea, Wilezol said Washington would rely heavily on military assessments as Seoul seeks to retake control before the end of President Lee Jae Myung's term in 2030. "I am confident that ultimately we are going to get there in terms of the final portrait of what the OPCON transfer looks like," he said. "In the meantime, we are going to rely very heavily on the opinion of our military because who else knows better about the operational realities on the ground than our men and women in uniform?" His remarks echoed those of Robert O'Brien, who served as national security adviser during Trump's first term and also participated in the forum. O'Brien welcomed Seoul's desire to accelerate the timeline but cautioned against allowing political considerations to dictate the process. "It is a positive signal that South Korea wants to move up the timeline because it shows South Korea is willing to take on a greater share of the security burden," he said. "But a rushed transition is not a good transition, and it does not enhance security." "It has to be a professional military transition, not one driven by political timelines or political pressure." He added that the allies must avoid creating vulnerabilities that could be exploited by China, North Korea, Russia or other adversaries. 2026-06-19 10:34:48
  • Interview: Testing the Limits of Koreas First Indigenous Fighter Jet, the KF-21
    Interview: Testing the Limits of Korea's First Indigenous Fighter Jet, the KF-21 At low altitudes, the moment arrives unexpectedly. The aircraft makes a sharp turn, subjecting the pilot to intense gravitational forces, and their vision begins to blur. For Major Song Min-seok, a test pilot for South Korea's first domestically developed supersonic fighter jet, the KF-21 'Boramae,' the most challenging task is not simply to fly fast. It is to push the aircraft to its limits and endure the extreme conditions to complete the test. "When experiencing G-forces during sharp turns, blood starts to pool in the legs, reducing blood flow to the brain. I learned special breathing techniques to overcome this, but maintaining that state while performing the mission is still painful and difficult," Major Song said in a recent interview with Aju Business Daily. At high altitudes, there is time and space to recover even if one loses consciousness, but at low altitudes, even a moment of distraction can be fatal. "You have to push the aircraft to the very edge of losing consciousness. If you want to avoid a blackout, you can ease off the stick, but to complete the test, you have to keep pulling. Especially at low altitudes, even a brief drop in altitude can lead to a catastrophic accident, making it the most tense moment," he explained. Major Song is not your typical operational pilot. He is part of the 281st Test Flight Squadron of the Air Force Test Evaluation Group, the only test flight unit in South Korea responsible for verifying the performance and safety of new aircraft. Pilots here do not fly aircraft with proven performance; instead, they operate planes that have yet to fully reveal their safety and limits, which they must validate. His current mission is at the forefront of the KF-21 development, the most ambitious project in South Korea's defense industry history. The KF-21 Boramae is a 4.5-generation medium supersonic fighter developed over a decade through the Korean Fighter eXperimental (KF-X) program by the South Korean Air Force, the Defense Acquisition Program Administration, and Korea Aerospace Industries (KAI). For Major Song, who flies the KF-21 daily, this national ambition is not just a slogan but a pressing reality. "The KF-21 is the first supersonic fighter developed with South Korean technology. As a test pilot, I feel immense pride in being at the center of this historic moment," he said. However, with pride comes significant pressure. "The results we confirm will determine the completeness of the aircraft that Air Force pilots will operate for decades to come," he noted. The duties of a test pilot begin long before takeoff. Major Song is involved in the entire flight test process, from reviewing plans and identifying risks to executing the mission and analyzing data post-flight to prepare evaluation reports. After each flight, they collaborate with ground engineers to analyze how the aircraft responded in the air. When asked about the most impressive aspect of the KF-21 during his first flight, Major Song highlighted its thrust rather than its radar, missiles, or stealth capabilities. "The thrust is incredibly powerful. It takes off very lightly and has excellent acceleration capabilities," he said. Next, he was captivated by the cockpit. Unlike older fighter jets filled with analog gauges and complex switches, the KF-21's cockpit gives the impression of stepping into a digital future. "In older fighter jets, analog instruments are cluttered all around the cockpit, while the KF-21 has what looks like three or four large iPads in front. Everything is touch-screen, making the display layout and operation very intuitive," he explained. Major Song described the cockpit as 'forward-looking,' likening it to the feeling of first using a smartphone. He also mentioned the superiority of the fly-by-wire system, which converts the pilot's physical inputs into electronic signals to control the aircraft. Modern supersonic fighters cannot be controlled solely by human strength. When the pilot moves the stick, the internal software comprehensively interprets pressure, angle, speed, and current maneuvering state, then moves the control surfaces in the safest and most precise manner. One of the most challenging areas for Major Song to monitor during flight is handling quality. This assesses how naturally and safely the aircraft responds to the pilot's commands, and he noted that the KF-21 goes beyond mere obedience, correcting its own control. "The software onboard adjusts the control surfaces differently based on flight speed and turn angle. It provides perfect corrections during the control process," he said. This automatic correction feature shines in extremely delicate situations, such as aerial refueling, where minor movements can be life or death. Major Song stated that the KF-21's excellent stability allows pilots to focus entirely on the mission rather than struggling with aircraft control. This stability signifies a greater meaning for the KF-21 in South Korea. While foreign fighter jets can be purchased, domestic fighters can be modified as needed. The KF-21 can integrate new weapons, software, and even future AI-based manned-unmanned teaming systems at any time, making it a significant platform for South Korea as it prepares for a larger leap in the global defense market. Major Song's flights are forming the backbone of that platform. The data obtained from test flights reveal gaps between design goals and actual performance, prompting engineers to modify flight control software, improve avionics, or adjust the pilot interface. Through this iterative process of flying and refining, the fighter jet gets closer to perfection with each moment. Thus, Major Song defines his work not merely as flying an aircraft but as 'translating the aircraft's language.' He flies, feels, and tests in the sky, then comes down to explain what this massive machine has communicated to the engineers. Becoming a test pilot took nearly two years. Major Song began his training in 2021, undergoing about a year of domestic education involving repetitive flying, data analysis, and presentations. After completing approximately 13 challenging tasks, he also had to complete an overseas training program evaluating foreign aircraft and avionics systems. He noted that the most challenging aspect was not the physical training familiar to existing fighter pilots but the endless routine of flying, analyzing, and logically explaining. "After flying, I have to extract data and continuously present it. It’s a cycle of writing reports and presenting them," he said. His journey into this field was inspired by his instructor, Ki Ye-ho, the oldest test pilot at age 70. The instructor often shared insights about the world of test flying and encouraged Major Song when he considered applying. "The instructor said it was a very rewarding and interesting field. He also mentioned that if you truly love flying, it’s the best job to hold onto the stick for a long time," Major Song recalled. Major Song still loves flying. When asked about his goals, he provided a concise yet profound answer. "I enjoy flying. My goal is to continue test flying until the KF-21 is more complete," he stated. However, he does not romanticize his profession. To young people dreaming of becoming pilots, Major Song advises that the cockpit is not just a glamorous place. "The profession of a pilot may seem cool on the surface, but in reality, there are many incredibly tough and dangerous moments. Without a strong sense of mission, it’s a difficult path to endure," he cautioned. The sense of mission he speaks of goes beyond the desire to 'fly in the sky' and must start with understanding the responsibility of contributing to national defense as a military pilot. "Both a sense of duty as a soldier and as a pilot are necessary," he emphasized. While his daily life is governed by danger, data, and strict discipline, there is an exception during the moment of soaring above the clouds. When the aircraft glides smoothly over the white carpet of clouds, Major Song encounters the pure joy that this demanding profession offers. Pilots refer to this experience as 'cloud skiing.' For the test pilot writing the future of the KF-21, this remains the greatest gift that flying can provide.* This article has been translated by AI. 2026-06-19 09:28:00
  • Inside KF-21, a test pilot pushes Koreas indigenous fighter to its limits
    Inside KF-21, a test pilot pushes Korea's indigenous fighter to its limits SEOUL, June 19 (AJP) - The moment can come low above the ground, when the aircraft is turning hard and the pilot's vision begins to fade. For Maj. Song Min-seok, a test pilot for South Korea's KF-21 Boramae fighter jet, one of the most demanding parts of the job is not flying fast. It is holding the aircraft at the edge of its limits long enough to finish the test — even as his body tells him to stop. "When you keep turning under G-force, blood moves down toward your legs and starts leaving your brain," Song said in an interview with AJP. "There is a breathing technique to overcome it, but it is still difficult to maintain." At high altitude, pilots have room to recover. At low altitude, they do not. "You have to keep it just before the point of passing out," he said. "If you want to avoid blacking out, you ease off. But if you want to complete the test, you keep pulling. At low altitude, if you drop even briefly, it can lead to an accident. That is when it feels tense." Song is not a combat pilot in the usual sense. He belongs to the 281st Test Flight Squadron under the Republic of Korea Air Force's test and evaluation command, where pilots do not simply fly proven aircraft — they fly aircraft still being verified. His current mission is tied to one of South Korea's most ambitious defense projects: the KF-21, the country's first domestically developed supersonic fighter. The aircraft has been described as a symbol of South Korea's effort to move beyond operating foreign-designed platforms and build a fighter that can be upgraded, modified and sustained on its own terms. For Song, that national ambition becomes something more immediate inside the cockpit. "The KF-21 is South Korea's first independently developed supersonic fighter," Song said. "As a test pilot, I feel immense pride in being part of such a historic moment." But pride, in his line of work, comes with pressure. "What we confirm will determine the completeness of an aircraft that Air Force pilots will operate for decades," he said. A test pilot's work begins long before takeoff. Song said test pilots are involved in nearly every stage of flight testing: reviewing plans, identifying hazards, carrying out the mission, analyzing data and writing evaluation reports. After each flight, they sit down with engineers to examine what happened in the air and whether the aircraft behaved as expected. That makes the job different from that of an ordinary fighter pilot. A combat pilot uses a verified aircraft to carry out missions. A test pilot takes an aircraft whose limits are still being defined and helps decide whether it is ready for others to fly. "The goal of a fighter pilot is to carry out missions and generate combat power with a given aircraft," Song said. "The goal of a test pilot is to evaluate and verify an aircraft that has not yet been fully proven." Asked what first struck him about the KF-21, Song did not begin with radar, missiles or stealth. He began with thrust. "It has very strong thrust," he said. "It takes off easily and accelerates well." Then there was the cockpit. Compared with older jets filled with analog gauges and switches, the KF-21's cockpit gave him the impression of stepping into a more digital future. "If older aircraft had analog instruments attached all over the cockpit, the KF-21 feels like having three or four large iPads in front of you," Song said. "They are all touchscreens, so the display and operation are intuitive." Song described the cockpit as futuristic, saying it reminded him of using a smartphone for the first time. He also pointed to the aircraft's fly-by-wire flight control system, which converts a pilot's inputs into electronic signals and allows the aircraft to respond with precision. That system matters because modern fighter jets are not controlled by muscle alone. When a pilot moves the stick, software interprets the pressure, angle, speed and maneuvering condition before adjusting the control surfaces. Song said one of the most important areas he watches is handling quality — how naturally and safely the aircraft responds to the pilot. The KF-21, he said, does not merely obey. It corrects. "The software is loaded into the aircraft, and the control surfaces move differently depending on speed or the degree of turn," he said. "It provides correction." That correction is especially important in delicate situations such as aerial refueling, where small movements matter. Song said the KF-21 has shown strong stability, allowing pilots to focus on the mission rather than fighting the aircraft. That stability speaks to the KF-21's broader significance for South Korea. A foreign aircraft can be purchased. A domestic one can be changed. The KF-21 can be upgraded with new weapons, software and emerging technologies, including AI-based manned-unmanned teaming systems. For a country seeking a larger role in the global defense industry, the aircraft is not just a fighter jet — it is a platform. And Song's flights help shape that platform. When test data reveals a gap between design goals and actual performance, engineers can modify flight control software, improve avionics or adjust the pilot interface. The process repeats, each flight adding another layer of proof. That is why Song sees his job not simply as flying, but as translating the language of the aircraft. He flies it, feels it, tests it, returns to the ground and explains what the machine said. Becoming a test pilot took nearly two years. Song began the process in 2021, going through roughly a year of domestic training that required repeated flights, data analysis and presentations. After completing about 13 presentations, trainees undergo additional overseas training to evaluate different aircraft and avionics systems. Song said the hardest part was not the physical training that fighter pilots already know. It was the relentless cycle of flying, analyzing and explaining. "You fly, take the data and give presentations," he said. "You write reports and keep presenting." His path began with a mentor. When he first learned to fly, one of his instructors had been a test pilot. That instructor spoke often about the field and later encouraged Song when he considered applying. "He told me it was good and interesting," Song recalled. "He also said that if you love flying, this is a job that lets you keep flying for a long time." Song still loves flying. Asked about his goal, he gave a simple answer. "I like flying," he said. "My goal is to continue test flying for a long time until the KF-21 succeeds." He does not romanticize the job, however. To young people who dream of becoming pilots, Song said the cockpit should not be seen only as a place of glamour. It is also a place of hardship, sacrifice and risk. "Being a pilot looks cool, but it is extremely difficult, and there are dangerous parts," he said. "Without a sense of mission, it is hard to do." That sense of mission, he said, should come not only from wanting to fly, but from understanding the role of a military pilot in national defense. "You need a sense of mission as a soldier and as a pilot," he said. Before test flights, Song said he keeps no strict personal ritual. Some senior pilots, he joked, used to swear by small routines — wearing clean or new underwear before a risky flight, for instance. Over time, he found it more comfortable without one. These days, he sometimes listens to music. Recently, he said, it has been a new song by AKMU. Then he climbs into one of South Korea's most advanced aircraft and helps decide what it can safely become. There are moments of danger, data and discipline. But there are also moments above the clouds, when the aircraft skims over white layers of sky and the job feels briefly like something closer to joy. Pilots call it "cloud skiing." For the test pilot helping write the KF-21's future, it is still one of the best parts of flying. 2026-06-19 08:56:25
  • The Iran war by the numbers: 109 days down, 60 days to go
    The Iran war by the numbers: 109 days down, 60 days to go SEOUL, June 18 (AJP) - One hundred and nine days after the United States and Israel launched their military campaign against Iran, Washington and Tehran unveiled a 14-point memorandum intended to end the war. The document calls for an immediate halt to hostilities, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and negotiations toward a final agreement. It also outlines sanctions relief and a proposed $300 billion investment fund to rebuild Iran's economy. Yet the document postpones rather than resolves the most contentious issues. The two sides have given themselves 60 days to reach a final deal. Passage through the Strait of Hormuz will remain toll-free during that period, while Iran has suggested it could impose charges afterward. U.S. President Donald Trump has also warned that military action could resume if Tehran fails to meet its commitments. The war may have lasted 109 days, but the next 60 could prove more consequential. More than 7,000 deaths, 13,500 strikes More than 7,000 people were killed across Iran and the wider region during the conflict, according to figures compiled from governments, health authorities and rights groups. Iranian casualties rose sharply during the hostilities, with reports indicating nearly 3,500 deaths inside Iran alone. The precise breakdown remains disputed. The total includes civilians and combatants killed in Iran, Lebanon and other countries drawn into the fighting, making direct comparisons with other wars difficult. Still, the pace of the campaign illustrates how much violence was compressed into just over three months. U.S. Central Command said American forces flew more than 10,200 sorties and carried out over 13,500 strikes during the first 38 days of major combat operations. The 1991 Gulf War air campaign lasted a similar 43 days but involved more than 100,000 sorties by a U.S.-led coalition that included Britain, France and Saudi Arabia. By contrast, the 10,200 sorties and 13,500 strikes reported during the Iran war covered U.S. military operations alone and excluded Israel's separate campaign. The figures are therefore not directly comparable, but they show that Washington conducted a substantial air campaign even without a Gulf War-sized coalition. The contrast with Ukraine is equally striking. Russia's full-scale invasion had entered its 1,570th day when the Iran memorandum was released. The United Nations had verified more than 15,000 civilian deaths in Ukraine by early 2026 while stressing that the actual toll was likely far higher. The war there continues. In May alone, the United Nations verified 274 civilian deaths and 1,763 injuries, bringing the monthly casualty toll to 2,037, the highest since April 2022. The Ukraine figures count verified civilian deaths, while the Iran war tally includes combatants and casualties across multiple countries. Even so, the comparison highlights the intensity of a conflict that produced thousands of deaths in just 109 days. A $300 billion fund, but not U.S. reparations The memorandum's largest figure is a proposed $300 billion Reconstruction and Development Fund for Iran. The arrangement raises an obvious question: Why would Washington help rebuild a country it helped bomb? The answer is that it would not. The fund is not a U.S. government aid package and would not be financed by American taxpayers. Instead, it is designed to attract private investment from companies in the Gulf, Asia and other regions, giving Tehran an economic incentive to comply with a final agreement. Iran initially sought about $400 billion in compensation for war damage, but Washington rejected paying reparations. The proposed investment fund emerged instead as a compromise. The plan also extends beyond repairing physical destruction. Investments would target energy, transportation, logistics and manufacturing, meaning the $300 billion figure represents a broader effort to revive Iran's economy rather than an estimate of wartime damage. For Washington, the returns would be strategic rather than financial. Iran has reaffirmed that it will neither produce nor acquire nuclear weapons and has agreed to discuss reducing its stockpile of highly enriched uranium under international supervision. The agreement could also restore shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, ease pressure on global energy prices and reduce the risk of another costly U.S. military campaign. The Iran war was not only a contest of firepower but also a contest of cost. The Pentagon said by mid-May that the conflict had already cost the United States at least $29 billion, including operational expenses and the repair or replacement of equipment. The first six days alone accounted for $11.3 billion, illustrating how heavily the campaign was concentrated in its opening phase. The financial burden was magnified by an unfavorable cost exchange. Iranian Shahed drones were estimated to cost between $20,000 and $50,000 each, while a Patriot interceptor costs roughly $4 million. U.S. and Gulf forces also deployed fighter aircraft and air-to-air missiles, some costing around $1 million, to destroy much cheaper drones. A potential $110 billion toll system The memorandum does not specify how much Iran could charge ships after the initial 60-day toll-free period. It says only that Tehran will discuss the future administration of the Strait of Hormuz and maritime services with Oman and other Gulf states. Iranian officials have suggested that any future fee could vary depending on vessel type, cargo and other conditions. During the war, at least one ship was reported to have paid $2 million for passage, although Reuters could not independently verify the payment. At that rate, the potential revenue could be enormous. With about 150 ships passing through the strait each day before the war, a flat $2 million charge could theoretically generate around $110 billion a year. That figure, however, is purely hypothetical. It assumes every vessel pays the same amount and that traffic fully returns to prewar levels. Actual revenue would likely be far lower, particularly because the United States and Gulf states oppose blanket fees on commercial shipping. Washington says it expects toll-free navigation to become part of a final agreement. Iranian officials, however, have indicated that Tehran could impose charges after the initial 60-day period and have raised the possibility of jointly managing the waterway with Oman and other Gulf states. Iran's deputy ambassador to South Korea previously told AJP that he had no information indicating vessels were currently required to pay tolls while passing through Iranian waters. "I don't know about the technical limitations. I don't know any details," he said. The two sides have therefore agreed on temporary access without settling the long-term rules. "That strategy reflected Iran's ability to identify and exploit the economic and political vulnerabilities of a militarily superior opponent," said Jeong Kyung-woon, a research fellow at the Korean Association of Military Studies. The memorandum also leaves the door open for both sides to walk away. The 60-day negotiating period can be extended by mutual consent, U.S. forces are expected to maintain their regional posture during the talks and Trump has openly threatened to resume bombing if Iran does not comply. On paper, the document ends the war. In practice, it creates a 60-day probation period. Whether that becomes peace or merely an intermission will determine whether this war has truly ended at all. 2026-06-18 17:14:02
  • U.S. Senate panel moves to allow overseas construction of noncombat naval ships
    U.S. Senate panel moves to allow overseas construction of noncombat naval ships SEOUL, June 18 (AJP) - A U.S. Senate panel is seeking to allow some noncombat Navy vessels to be built at shipyards in allied countries, a move that could create opportunities for South Korean shipbuilders. According to a summary of the fiscal 2027 National Defense Authorization Act released by the Senate Armed Services Committee on Tuesday, the bill would authorize the procurement of up to two bulk fuel carriers or strategic sealift vessels from overseas shipyards. The proposal would permit limited overseas construction only in allied countries. Federal law currently prohibits the overseas construction of Navy vessels, but the NDAA provision would effectively create an exception for certain auxiliary ships rather than combat vessels. The committee said foreign investment in the U.S. maritime industrial base would be required to bring the production of follow-on vessels and related supply chains back to the United States. The measure appears intended to accelerate ship procurement in the short term while strengthening the U.S. shipbuilding industry over the longer term. A similar move is under discussion in the House of Representatives. A draft fiscal 2027 defense spending bill prepared by the House Appropriations Committee’s defense subcommittee would narrow the ban on using federal funds for overseas ship construction from all naval vessels to combat vessels. The Senate and House bills must pass their respective chambers and then be reconciled before being sent to the president for signature. The congressional push comes as Washington seeks to acquire ships more quickly amid intensifying maritime competition with China. The United States has struggled with weakened shipbuilding capacity, while rebuilding the industry is expected to take years. South Korean shipbuilders could therefore play a role in constructing U.S. Navy auxiliary vessels and supporting efforts to rebuild America’s shipbuilding industry. The development could also support broader South Korea-U.S. shipbuilding cooperation, including the $150 billion Make American Shipbuilding Great Again, or MASGA, initiative. 2026-06-18 11:04:25